By Mutaher Hussain

DHAKA, Aug 5, 2025 (BSS) – The quota reform movement, which began in mid-2024, gradually transformed into a generational awakening. 

Initially it started as a protest against discriminatory quota policies in government jobs but eventually it turned into a broader resistance against state repression.

Sajjad Hossain Chowdhury, former senior joint secretary of the Dhaka College unit of Jatiyatabadi Chhatra Dal, was a frontline participant in this historic mass uprising.

In a recent interview with Bangladesh Sangbad Sangstha (BSS), Sajjad shared the harrowing memories during the Anti-Discrimination Student Movement, the challenges they faced, and the vision they carried.

BSS: Are you currently affiliated with any political organization? How did you join politics?

Sajjad Hossain: I served as the former senior joint secretary, joint secretary and a member of the Dhaka College unit of Jatiyatabadi Chhatra Dal (JCD).

My involvement in politics began during my college years. I was drawn to nationalist ideals, values that prioritize independence, national interest, and democracy. That’s how I got involved with Chhatra Dal, working for students' rights and contributing to the greater good of the country.

BSS: When did the quota reform movement begin to gain momentum?

Sajjad Hossain: The quota reform movement was one of the most significant student movements in Bangladesh’s recent history, sparked by the demand for reforms in the government job quota system. Its core aim was to ensure merit-based recruitment and to abolish or reform outdated and unfair quotas.

The quota system had been in place for a long time, reserving up to 56 percent of government jobs. As a result, many meritorious candidates were being denied employment. The movement began to take shape in 2018 but saw a dramatic escalation in July 2024.

In my view, the seeds were sown in 2018, but the movement truly matured in July 2024, when students from across the country came together with a unified voice to press for their demands.

BSS: How and when did you get involved in the movement?

Sajjad Hossain: I was the senior joint secretary of Dhaka College Chhatra Dal at the time. From the very beginning, I was directly involved in the movement. When students first started raising demands for merit-based recruitment, we took it seriously from an organizational standpoint.

Both I and my organization supported the movement from the outset. We believed that government recruitment should be based on merit and capability. The mismanaged and biased quota system was crushing the hopes of an entire generation.

In short, I was active from the start, participating in marches and protests, especially during times of brutal state repression. We saw this not just as a job-related issue, but a generational movement for justice and fairness.

BSS: What do you think led to such unity among student groups despite their ideological differences?

Sajjad Hossain: Ideological conflict is not new in student politics. Some follow nationalism, others progressivism, each adhering to their group’s political philosophy. But in the quota reform movement, we saw a rare display of unity. Different ideological groups and even apolitical students joined forces.
This unity was deeply inspiring. We in Chhatra Dal have always believed that students are the conscience of the nation. When that conscience rises against injustice, discrimination or corruption, it becomes an unstoppable force.

BSS: What were the major challenges during the movement?

Sajjad Hossain: The movement encountered numerous challenges. It was not an easy path. Initially, the government showed little interest in addressing the demands. Even when the protests gained traction, the state continued to delay and distract the participants involved in the movement.
Eventually, as pressure mounted, the government made announcements but without a clear plan for reform. This lack of vision and sincerity was a major challenge.

At the peak of the movement, the law enforcement agency unleashed heavy repression, assaulting students, arresting them en masse, and using political policing tactics. These repressive measures did slow the movement’s momentum at times but also attracted public sympathy and support.
Other challenges included the spread of misinformation, pressure on student leadership, smear campaigns and the difficulty of coordinating such a vast, decentralized movement.
Despite all these obstacles, the movement endured and that is our source of pride and motivation.

BSS: How did you manage and keep the movement going during the mass arrests?

Sajjad Hossain: That period was terrifying. Students were picked up from campuses, homes, and even hostels. We had to hold secret meetings in disguise and maintain communication through encrypted apps like WhatsApp and Messenger.

We often had to shift locations and go into hiding just to stay involved.
What kept us going was the unity and support of ordinary students. We believed this was more than a quota issue, it was a battle for establishing justice and freedom of expression. And that belief gave us strength.

BSS: When did the general public start backing the movement and did their support shift it into an anti-government uprising?

Sajjad Hossain: Public attention started to build around mid-July 2024, when repression by Chhatra League and Jubo League intensified. As thousands of students flooded the streets and the media circulated images and videos of violence, police firing tear gas and rubber bullets, people began to realize the extent of injustice.
Parents, job seekers and people from all walks of life began showing solidarity on social media and beyond.

Initially, the movement was not anti-government. It was a non-partisan demand-driven movement. But as state repression escalated and smear campaigns targeted protesters, anger toward the government built up.
So while it didn’t start as anti-government, the state's response turned it into a movement of resistance.

BSS: Did you ever expect the quota reform movement to grow into a struggle against authoritarian rule?

Sajjad Hossain: Honestly, we started out with a very specific demand, quota reform. But as events unfolded repression, arrests, torture, censorship, we began to realize this was bigger than quotas. It was about the very nature of governance.
People aspired to fairness, merit, and a system governed by rules—not one dictated by arbitrary commands.

Gradually, it became clear that we were fighting not just for recruitment reform, but for justice, democracy and freedom of speech.
So, no, we didn’t know in the beginning. But eventually, we understood, this was a national awakening. The movement gave voice to years of suppressed anger and injustice.

BSS: How did you cope mentally when hundreds were dying during the uprising? 

Sajjad Hossain:  Every day, we heard of killings, someone shot in one district, someone disappeared in another, someone dying in a hospital.
The violent suppression and mass killings of protesters by the government and its associated groups can be termed as the “dark period" of July Uprising. 

During those days, I saw wounded protesters lying on the streets, bloodied and crying for help. Some were silent, motionless. I can never forget those scenes, I could see death from a close range.
Yes, we were scared. But even stronger than fear was our sense of responsibility. When I saw my fellow fighters, injured but still holding banners, my fear disappeared. Their courage gave me the strength to keep standing.

BSS: Can you describe the attacks and torture you endured during the July movement?

Sajjad Hossain: The phase of continuous agitation began with the three-day strike starting on July 1, 2024, demanding the repeal of the government job quota. On July 14, the autocratic Prime Minister branded protesters as “children of Razakars,” which further inflamed the movement.
After the deaths of Abu Sayed in Rangpur and Chhatra Dal leader Wasim Akram in Chattogram on July 17, the protests intensified further.

On July 22, after completing a scheduled programme, I was heading toward Eastern Plus Market in Shantinagar when a group of Chhatra League and Jubo League cadres surrounded my rickshaw. Once they confirmed my identity as a Chhatra Dal activist, they began beating me.
They snatched my phone, forced me to unlock it, and began looting my wallet and cash. Some punched, others kicked, and a few beat me with sticks and iron rods. Eventually, I collapsed onto the street.

They dragged me into an abandoned building, blindfolded me and began a second round of brutal torture. I still remember the sounds, sticks hitting flesh, the screams. My right leg suffered a deep injury, and I still have scars on my back, shoulders, and hands.
Even now, I sometimes wake up at night, haunted by the sound of those beatings. But that pain forged resilience. And from that resilience came courage.