by Mahmudur Rahman Najid 

DHAKA, July 9, 2025 (BSS) – The student-led mass uprising in 2024 marked a significant and historic shift in Bangladesh’s political landscape. Mehedi Hasan Imran, a student of Dhaka City College and one of key organisers of the uprising, stood not only as a student but also as a brave citizen. 

A student of the 2021–22 session from the Department of Business Studies, Mehedi had prepared extensively for higher studies in Japan, securing his Certificate of Eligibility and even applying for a visa. But in June, his visa application was abruptly rejected—an incident tied to political and bureaucratic circumstances.

This denial crushed his lifelong dream and ignited a fire within him to protest against the state system that had wronged him.

Since then, Imran began taking part in the student movement from Mohakhali, traveling daily to Science Lab to raise his voice against injustice. On August 4, he even stood amidst live bullets and tear gas fired by Chhatra League goons.
 
That very day, his father called him from abroad and uttered, "Fi Amanillah"—a prayer entrusting his son to Allah’s care. Imran recalls those words as a moment of transformation that made him even more resolute to lay down his life if needed.

Born in Uttar Khushipur village of Daganbhuiyan upazila in Feni, he is the youngest among six siblings.

His father Mohammad Bahar Mia is an expatriate, and his mother Mosammad Masuda is a homemaker. Alongside his studies, Mehedi played an active role in student activism, fearlessly raising his voice against repression and inequality. 

In an exclusive interview with BSS, Mehedi Hasan Imran recounts how a personal heartbreak turned into a life of sacrifice and resistance. 

BSS: One year of the July Movement has passed. Do you still feel those moments of struggle?
Imran: Yes, the experiences from the movement have deeply impacted my life. Just as we protested unitedly then, I still believe speaking against injustice is part of our responsibility. Even after a year, the lessons and realizations from that time continue to influence my thoughts.

Can you describe how the July Movement began and how you became involved in it?
Imran: The July Movement began in June, when widespread discontent arose among students and youth demanding quota reform in government job recruitment process. 

The main focus was injustice in job recruitment and the lack of proper merit evaluation.

The movement started with the spontaneous participation of some student-led organizations and general students, and it quickly spread nationwide and I was also part of it.

How did the quota movement transform into an anti-autocratic government movement?
Imran: Initially, we took to the streets demanding only fairness and merit evaluation and equal opportunities for all. But very quickly, we realized this state machinery was only busy silencing our voices. We were baton-charged, cases were filed against us, campuses were besieged, and we were harassed even for Facebook posts. 

On July 15, the then-government's Chhatra League cadres indiscriminately attacked students on Dhaka University premises, and Abu Sayeed was martyred by police firing in Rangpur. 

We then realized – this was no longer just about quota reform, it was the moment to stand against an entire Awami fascist system. We understood that a state unwilling to listen to fair demands can only be run by autocracy. 

This realization changed the course of the movement, turning it into a struggle for people's rights and against the fascist government.

How did you mobilize students at your own college and organize local participation?  
Imran: Since we built the movement struggle at the college level, I'd say we began joining the movement from July 16th. After the Chhatra League attacked us on July 15th, many of our brothers and sisters were seriously injured and admitted to Dhaka Medical College, but even inside Dhaka Medical, Chhatra League attacked the injured again. 

The incidents spread all day on social media on July 15. Such attacks on a just movement were unacceptable. 

So, the next day, we started the movement at the college level.

Although we started alongside students from various universities, later, we continued the movement ourselves with students from our college level.  

What kind of participation did you observe from general students and the broader public during the movement? 
Imran: The student movement in July 2024 started from an anti-quota stance and quickly turned into a mass movement against fascism.

This movement united people from all level -- from general students to various classes and professions. Although the common people weren't present initially, after the Chhatra League attack on July 15th and the martyrdom of Abu Sayeed in Rangpur, people began joining the movement in droves.

How did you carry out the movement continuously?
Imran: From July 16th, we were connected to the movement. 

As per the instructions of student coordinators, we kept the movement going at the Science Lab intersection in Dhanmondi. Additionally, our former students, like batches 17, 21, and 22, documented all events and images of the movement on social media, organized everyone, and subsequently, we created a list of coordinators and co-coordinators on our campus. 

Moreover, we had regular contact with many Dhaka University students. Through them, we received various updates and information related to the movement and thus we maintained continuity in the movement.

What was the role of your college teachers during the July Movement?
Imran: Dhaka City College is a renowned college in Bangladesh. Students from Dhaka City College participated in the movement, almost from the beginning of July.

However, it is very sad to say that the teachers were not beside the general students from the beginning.

But during the middle of the movement, after a student from batch 22 of Dhaka City College was arrested by police, the then Vice-Principal Professor Mosharraf Hossain Chowdhury Sir tried his best to get him released and assisted the students' movement with food and water using his own funds. 

Furthermore, at the final stage of the movement, a few teachers joined the movement, but only considering their own interests.

On July 16th, around 12 PM at Science Lab, Dhaka College Chhatra League unit started attacking us.

When general students went to the gate of Dhaka City College seeking shelter, the then Principal Professor Badaruddin Ahmed closed the gate.

What was the role of the police where you were protesting?
Imran:  Police forces launched ruthless crackdown on protesters during the July Movment.  

They (police) used excessive forces on peaceful protests of student for prolonging the authoritarian rule of Sheikh Hasina.  Police forces acted their role as cadres of Chhatra League.          

How did you coordinate or communicate with other universities or colleges during the movement?
Imran: Actually, we did not coordinate with any university. We only took necessary updates from some senior brothers at Dhaka University; otherwise, we managed all other activities ourselves. At Dhanmondi Science Lab, we organized the movement activities by coordinating with five colleges.

How did clashes with the Awami League or police occur?
Imran: Clashes with us started from 12pm on July 16. Initially, Dhaka College Chhatra League attacked us. Then, the police started using tear gas, baton charges, and arbitrarily and they arrested general students.

Were you personally threatened or your family received any backlash?
Imran: Personally, I received death threats from some leaders and activists of the Dhanmondi Chhatra League unit but there was no threat to my family. 

However, every parent wants their child to be safe and so, my parents warned me and told me not to get involved in this movement. But I consider this a very normal thing. Parents say such things.

How did you communicate with the central coordinators?
Imran: We didn't have that kind of communication with anyone referred to as central coordinators. 

Based on what we saw online or through communication channels and the updates we received accordingly, we kept the movement activities going.

Were any fellow injured or martyred in your protest area?
Imran: Yes, many students of Dhaka City College were seriously injured in the July mass uprising, and I was injured too. However, I don't have accurate information about whether anyone was killed. After the movement, we inquired and found that no student from Dhaka City College was killed.

During the movement when the internet was shut down, how did you communicate?
Imran: In the situation, where mobile signals were limited, we communicated via SMS or Bluetooth messages between individuals. Additionally, some Telegram groups and WhatsApp groups had prior instructions given in advance.

These were followed. Moreover, we college-level students walked from one place to another to deliver news.

Even while we were walking to spread this news to everyone, the fear of death was in our minds. Furthermore, we set our mobile wallpapers with a picture containing our name, father's name, mother's name, address, educational institution name, and blood group. So that if injured or killed, our families could be easily informed.

You lost the opportunity of higher education abroad, yet you fought from the front line of the movement risking your life. Where did you get the inspiration from?
Imran: During the movement, I used to stay at my elder aunt's house in Mohakhali and every day I came to Science Lab from Mohakhali. As vehicle movement was stopped, I came daily by rickshaw through Tejgaon, Nakhalpara. 

I left home at 11am and nothing unusual happened till then.

The gathering started from 12pm. Then around 1pm, Chhatra League started attacking towards Science Lab from Jigatala. Chhatra League fired bullets and threw cocktails at students and people. 

After July 19, I didn't have an Android phone because the police took my phone during the movement. After that, I only had a small button phone. I still remember,

when I was in front of the 'Dominos Pizza' building on Dhanmondi Road No. 2 and Chhatra League was firing bullets and throwing bombs from Jigatala, my father called me. 

My father lives abroad; due to internet shutdown during the movement, his contact with me was cut off.

But on the 4th, he called me directly on my number, and even amidst the movement, I received the call. He asked me, "Son, where are you?" In reply, I said, “I am fighting on the streets.” 

Then he said, 'Why did you go there?' In reply, I said, "My brothers and sisters are being killed brutally, should I sit at home? I've also come to the streets to give my life." 

He then wished me saying, 'Fi Amanillah' (Entrusting you to Allah's protection). Then he hung up. 

Right from that moment, I don't know why, my desire to lead the movement increased even more, and with a different feeling, I fought closer to Chhatra League that day, offering my chest so they could shoot me, desiring to become a martyr.

Again, after passing HSC, I wanted to go abroad for studies and chose Japan as the country. I learned Japanese. Then I completed all procedures to go to Japan. I worked hard, and after all procedures were completed, the COE (Certificate of Eligibility) came from Japan. Then I applied for a visa at the Japanese Embassy in Bangladesh.

But unfortunately, on June 4, my Japanese visa was rejected. This was my dream. With my dream broken, my will to live was gone from that day.

Every day during the July Movement, I wanted to join the list of martyrs.

So again and again, I stood in front of everyone, facing the bullets of police and Chhatra League.

Did any organization help you?
Imran: We, specifically the students of five colleges here, conducted the movement activities. No separate organization assisted us in this. We also didn't seek help from anyone as we were united and strong. 

What do you expect from young generation?
Imran: Fascism is a repressive political system where state power is concentrated in the hands of an individual or group with freedom of expression snatched away. When this rule ends, it pilots in a new political environment, becoming a symbol of new hope, possibility, and responsibility. 

In this new context, the youth are seen as the driving force of the future. A just and democratic Bangladesh will be built through their hands.

After the fall of fascism, the most important responsibility is to restore and protect democracy.

The expectation for the youth will be to remain vocal for freedom of expression, rule of law, and voting rights. The role of the youth will be decisive in protecting voting rights, freedom of expression, and constitutional rights.

Fascism typically relies on blind loyalty and distortion of information. The youth should practice rational thinking and stay away from propaganda with ability to verify the truth. 

Fascism practices politics of division and hatred so task for the youth in the new Bangladesh will be to respect differing opinions.

To build an inclusive society with no division based on religion, language, ethnicity, or class. They must move forward on the path of humanity and dialogue instead of hatred.

Another trait of fascism was administrative corruption and lack of accountability.

The youth must take a moral stance by establishing a culture of transparency and accountability against bribery and irregularities against both administrative and political corruption.

During fascism, enforced disappearances, killings, oppression happened at a massive rate. The youth should demand justice for all crimes. Strive to uncover the truth without distorting history to ensure the permanent end of the culture of impunity.