By Rudro Al Muttakin

DHAKA, July 30, 2025 (BSS) - Students must remain vigilant to ensure that no future form of student politics gives rise to another organization like the Bangladesh Chhatra League (BCL). Public awareness is equally important to prevent fascism from taking root again-otherwise, the dream of a people's uprising will crumble to dust, said Mehedi Hasan Munna, a key coordinator of the Anti-Discrimination Student Movement at Rajshahi University and former president of the university chapter of Nagorik Chhatro Oikya.

Munna's political journey began through his involvement with the RUCSU Movement Platform. Speaking out against Sheikh Hasina's authoritarian rule made him a frequent target of BCL attacks and various forms of repression on campus. Yet, he never gave in. Throughout his student life, Munna relentlessly resisted fascism and continuously raised his voice against BCL's domination.

Born in Nararkandi village of Rajoir upazila in Madaripur district, Munna is the son of Rafiqul Islam and Mukta Begum. In an exclusive interview with the national news agency BSS, he discussed his involvement in the Anti-Discrimination Movement, recounted his experiences during the July 2024 Uprising, and reflected on the future of student politics and the nation.

BSS: How do you interpret the significance of the July Uprising in Bangladesh's political history?

Mehedi Hasan Munna: In this mass uprising led by students, the fall of Sheikh Hasina-the chief architect of fascist rule-was sealed. She wasn't merely ousted; she fled the country and took shelter in Delhi. For years, I have spoken out against the disappearances, killings, corruption, and culture of impunity that defined her regime. I poured every ounce of my political strength into protests and resistance. From that standpoint, the July Uprising was not just a movement-it was a monumental political revolution. What the students and masses demonstrated to the world is rare in history; such a powerful wave of public awakening has seldom been witnessed globally.

BSS: How did the movement unfold and succeed at Rajshahi University?

Mehedi Hasan Munna: The movement at Rajshahi University had a somewhat different trajectory. After July 18, students became somewhat disconnected. Arrests began across the country, and the university administration's fascist attitude, along with the brutal repression by the Awami League, Chhatra League, and Jubo League on students, made coordination within the movement a major challenge. Although the momentum of the movement slowed at that time, morale remained unshaken.

In this situation, a 17-member coordination committee of the Anti-Discrimination Student Movement at Rajshahi University was formed, which reignited the movement. Even those who had lost hope began preparing to return to the streets. Initially, Rajshahi University did not follow the central programs of the Anti-Discrimination Student Movement. When the lack of coordination came to light, students declared the previous leadership unwelcome. In any movement, collective interests must be prioritized-personal agendas won't bring success, or if they do, it will be fleeting.

As soon as the coordination committee was announced, we connected online. A new Facebook group was created under the name "Anti-Discrimination Student Movement - RU." Throughout the movement, I never switched off my phone. 

Communication was the key, so to avoid arrest; I often left my phone in one location while I stayed elsewhere. My house was near the RU Station Bazaar, but my wife and I took shelter at her friend's residence in the Padma Residential Area. Due to the internet blackout, I couldn't even withdraw money via bKash or from the bank. I had to go to our department teacher, Samiul Sir's house, and borrow 1,500 taka just to manage daily needs. That period was indescribable.

After the formation of the coordination council on July 28, the RU movement regained momentum. On July 29, a protest march broke the curfew and became symbolic nationwide. During the internet blackout, we relied on mobile phone calls to communicate. The role of the teachers cannot go unmentioned. On the morning of July 29, we had planned a protest. We hoped that if teachers joined us, the police wouldn't dare harass us. The night before, I called Iftekhar Alam Masud Sir and, on the verge of tears, told him, "Sir, we have to go out tomorrow. My brothers will be on the streets." He replied, "I'm looking into it, Munna." I also visited Saleh Hasan Naqib Sir's house, and he said, "We will come, Munna." Those words carried a depth of affection and support I will never forget.

I informed our group with a screenshot of the conversation. As promised, the teachers arrived at the main gate before the students. One of them called and asked, "Where are your boys?" I replied, "They're gathering, please stay at the gate." That very day, teachers and students of RU broke the curfew and chanted "Shame, shame, dictator!"-a slogan that echoed across the nation. The movement gained massive traction on social media. The newly formed Facebook group "Anti-Discrimination Student Movement - RU" became the organizational core. We constantly posted directives and promotional materials.

From July 28 to August 5, we barely slept. We had a technical team responsible for designing photo cards, posters, and banners for Facebook. We also created a Messenger group named "Pritilata Brigade" with female students, ensuring the movement had equal strength both on the streets and online. Even after the campus was shut down, a strong group from the Law Department remained in Rajshahi and acted as a reserve force, adding a new dimension to the movement.

We never disclosed the schedule of our programs in advance. We only announced the time one hour before the event, to prevent law enforcement from preempting us. Even when the central movement declared a program, Sohanur Rahman Sajal bhai from Dhaka risked his life to design posters and banners in his own studio and send them to us. His work, along with our technical team's, became the invisible backbone of the movement.

At one point, we tried to take the movement beyond campus. We shifted our rallies to RUET Gate and Talaimari. We anticipated that law enforcement could easily crack down at the RU main gate, so we needed a spot where we could disperse and regroup quickly. Another key reason was to involve the broader public-students from RUET, Rajshahi College, local residents, and members of various political organizations. We began designing and implementing our programs in line with the central movement's decisions.

We maintained continuous communication with leaders of various political student organizations, particularly those active at RU-like Chhatra Dal and Islami Chhatra Shibir, who were directly involved. I had regular contact with Mithu bhai of Chhatra Dal, who stayed well updated. Current Vice Chancellor Naqib Sir, A. A. Mamun, Kazi Mamun Haidar Rana, Selim Reza Newton, Amirul Islam Konok, Habib Zakaria Ullas Sir, and many other teachers gave us courage and strength. Their roles ranged from rescuing arrested students to marching with us on the streets.

Besides the campus journalists, we were also in touch with many city-based reporters. A brother from Dhaka gave us the contact numbers of journalists from national media, and we kept in touch with them too. We regularly sent photos and videos of the movement in Rajshahi to Munowar Alam Nirjhor bhai, a journalist living abroad, who widely disseminated them.

From July 28 onward, those of us who took on the role of coordinators did so knowing that we were stepping into danger. Everyone risked their lives to sustain the movement. The coordination among the 17 was remarkable.

However, August 5 was the date of our "Road March to Dhaka." That very day, two of our comrades were shot and killed by police, Awami League, and Jubo League in Alupotti, Rajshahi. They were Shaheed Shakib Anjum and Ali Raihan. 

Ali Raihan was first injured and later died on August 8. On the morning of August 5, the government suddenly shut down internet services, and we lost contact. By the time the internet was restored around noon, two of our brothers had already been martyred. The success of the Rajshahi movement was due to the spontaneous participation of students, parents, and citizens from all walks of life in Rajshahi.

BSS: When did you begin participating in the July Uprising?

Mehedi Hasan Munna: I became fully involved from July 10. I was on campus from the beginning and constantly monitored the situation. However, due to my political identity, my direct involvement was complicated. The administration and BCL could easily use our presence to divert the movement or target students. Still, several leaders of active student organizations, though not leading, remained engaged behind the scenes.

The movement's initial phase lacked coordination and was marred by fragmented banners. On July 15, after Chhatra League attacked leaders of active organizations, we immediately held a torch procession. It was a turning point. While campuses across the country faced repression, RU was eerily silent until that night. Our protest reignited hope.

BSS: You have been in student politics for a long time. How do you see the future of student activism post-July?

Mehedi Hasan Munna: There's been a revival of student politics since July, but it will only benefit the country if we abandon party subservience. The democratic student forces that led the uprising are proof of what's possible.

Traditional party student organizations in Bangladesh often exist to dominate campuses and pit brother against brother. This toxic structure remains even after the uprising.

Sixteen years of Chhatra League terror under AL rule ended in the blink of an eye- thanks to the student masses. But depoliticization over those years' means results will take time. The absence of student union elections is disappointing. And the outdated constitutions of those unions need major reforms. Only then can we sustain the post-July awakening. Only then can student politics guide the nation in its moments of crisis.

BSS: What was the day like when Chhatra League was ousted from campus?

Mehedi Hasan Munna: On the night of July 15, we held a long strategy meeting. I phoned many keeping political divide aside. Even those who had earlier disagreements were included. We estimated that BCL had only about 100 activists on campus due to a weakened committee. Their abuses had already made them unpopular.

Campus journalists played a vital role. On June 6, seven student organizations declared BCL's general secretary Asadullah Hil Galib persona non grata. That had a major impact.

The student body was furious after nationwide BCL attacks. Even those who'd never protested before were now asking when to join. A female student called me crying, asking, "Bhai, when are we marching tomorrow?" I don't think RU has ever seen such a spontaneous and united uprising. Everyone became a revolutionary.

That night, Mishu and I stayed at my house. I didn't sleep. In the morning, our people gathered pipes and bamboo sticks. Each hall was alerted that BCL might lock the gates. We told students to stay outside beforehand. Journalists were sending us live updates. To avoid detection, I entered campus by rickshaw from Charukola side. Security staff tried to block us, but we pressed on.

We gathered near Paris Road. As we headed toward the female halls, we heard they were being locked in. But to our surprise, a huge procession of female students joined us in route. The whole campus was marching. Students stormed the Bijoy-24 Hall (formerly Bangabandhu Hall), BCL's stronghold. They found pistols and local weapons in BCL leaders' rooms. BCL motorbikes were set ablaze. Smoke rose into the sky. Those of us who had protested BCL terror for years stood watching their empire burn.

Some BCL leaders were seen fleeing by bike. One video of Galib fleeing was taken by our brother Shohanur Rahman Rafi, now a Daily Star reporter. It went viral. It symbolized BCL's collapse. Later, we heard some BCL leaders were hiding on rooftops, and police evacuated them. They never returned.

That's how RU was liberated from Chhatra League. Yes, we received threats and misinformation after that-especially after Mishu's post of Galib's escape-but we didn't stop. We pressed forward, determined to see the movement through.

BSS: You have reportedly been attacked multiple times in recent years. Could you elaborate on those incidents?

Mehedi Hasan Munna: I have been attacked several times by members of the Bangladesh Chhatra League (BCL). One of the most brutal attacks occurred on October 29, 2023, at Chayer Goli in Paltan. That day was marked by a nationwide hartal. After a flash procession and before a scheduled press conference by the Gonomoncho, a group of us were standing near the Darus Salam Market when over a hundred BCL members-armed with local weapons-launched a targeted and sudden attack on me. They snatched my mobile phone and, upon checking my Facebook and photo gallery, became aggressive again. One attacker struck me in the abdomen with a stamp rod, causing severe pain. My phone was never returned.

Another attack took place on October 19, 2022, in front of the Vice Chancellor's residence on campus. That time too, BCL activists assaulted me. 

Beyond physical attacks, I have faced continuous harassment-both online and offline. Due to my political involvement and writings on social media, police even contacted my parents to warn them. Threats and intimidation were a daily reality.

BSS: In past years, movements against fascism failed to sustain momentum or public support. But this time, the scenario was different. Why?

Mehedi Hasan Munna: That's true. Many movements emerged during Hasina's regime, but none could gain mass traction-until 2024. The 16-year-long mafia-style regime built up deep-rooted anger that finally exploded in July.

There was no repression left untouched by Hasina's rule-enforced disappearances, extrajudicial killings, silencing of free speech, everything.

Successful movements must address citizens' fundamental rights, and traditional political parties had failed to do that.

This uprising was sparked by the quota system, which has long created inequality and frustration among students and young citizens. The brutal state repression on protesters struck a chord across society, cutting across class and ideology. There were no divisions then-everyone united to bring down the Hasina regime. That's what made this a true people's uprising.
 
BSS: How do you see the possibilities for building a "new Bangladesh"?

Mehedi Hasan Munna: Over the last 16 years, the fascist regime of Sheikh Hasina has devastated the country. From universities to public institutions, everything has been politicized and turned into hubs of corruption and cronyism. Though we've managed to remove Hasina, her enablers and loyalists still hold influential positions-the pro-Awami media, cultural establishments, and oligarchs remain intact.

The July uprising reignited the people's dream of a new Bangladesh. But to make that dream a reality, both the interim government and all anti-fascist political forces must understand the true spirit of the uprising. Over 53 years, we've seen power merely change hands without changing the lives of ordinary people. It's time to move beyond power-sharing politics.

The toxic binary politics that the Awami League has propagated-dividing the nation for 16 years-is still deeply embedded in our society and culture. We must liberate ourselves from this. Only then can we realize the vision of a truly new Bangladesh, which was at the core of the people's uprising.

BSS: Do you think the aspirations of the July uprising are being fulfilled?

Mehedi Hasan Munna: The downfall of Hasina's authoritarian regime in July brought renewed hope to the people for a better, democratic future. Despite a shift in political leadership, the state apparatus remains largely unchanged, functioning under old rules.

Without honoring the sacrifices of those who were martyred or injured, we cannot move forward with legitimacy. The interim government is facing serious political and socio-economic obstacles, and fascist forces are still actively plotting their return. Only a united anti-fascist front can safeguard our sovereignty and independence.

To realize the aspirations of the uprising, we must focus on ending discrimination, restoring democracy, ensuring accountability, and resisting all forms of fascism. That is the only way to honor the blood of the martyrs.

BSS: What are your expectations from the current interim government?

Mehedi Hasan Munna: First and foremost, the interim government must ensure that no one else rises to become another autocrat. Justice must be served for the mass killings orchestrated by the Awami League in July. Likewise, the crimes committed over 16 years-including corruption, enforced disappearances, murders, and human rights violations-must be addressed.

The government should issue a "July Declaration"-a comprehensive charter for justice, reform, and transformation. Only through real reforms and the establishment of a democratic, inclusive welfare state can we fulfill the aspirations of the uprising.

BSS: What are your expectations from political parties in this new context?

Mehedi Hasan Munna:The politics of muscle power that dominated the past still persists. 

Political parties must now prioritize the public interest and work toward establishing a tolerant, democratic culture. It is critical that they prevent the resurgence of fascist forces. Internal rivalries must be set aside to build a new political culture-one that fosters justice, inclusivity, and democratic values. Only then can we ensure that the future of Bangladesh belongs to its people.