By Naser Uddin

DHAKA, July 06, 2025 (BSS) - The July uprising will be remembered as a defining moment in Bangladesh's political history. People from all walks of life, regardless of party affiliation or ideology, joined hands in the movement. 

Students from both public and private universities stood at the forefront of this mass uprising, with Jatiyatabadi Chhatra Dal (JCD), the student wing of Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP), playing a pivotal role in organizing and mobilizing protests.

In an exclusive interview with Bangladesh Sangbad Sangstha (BSS), Nasir Uddin Nasir, general secretary of JCD, who endured long years of persecution, recalled his memories about uprising.

This JCD leader was one of the pioneers in the protest movement that earlier emerged just centering reformation of quota in the government jobs, turning to the July uprising where millions of aggrieved people participated opposing barbaric crackdown on unarmed protesters spearheaded by AL cadres and their loyal forces. 

Bangladesh witnessed a barbaric crackdown on unarmed protesting student-people after the Liberation War which many people perceived that the July uprising was so terrible and intensive in the context of violence, ensuring the AL government's fall after it came to power in 2008.

The uprising saw at least 1400 deaths and approximately 20000 injuries leaving the whole country in a pool of blood. 

Nasir was a student of Sir A. F. Rahman Hall of Dhaka University, under the 2007-2008 academic session. From the beginning of his university life, he was involved in student politics. 

He was made General Secretary of JCD in March last year. After years of struggle under a fascist regime, Nasir played an active role in the uprising that brought a new Bangladesh. In this interview, he sheds light on JCD's multifaceted involvement in the movement.

BSS: At what stage did JCD get involved in the July Uprising?

Nasir: From the outset, the Jatiyatabadi Chhatra Dal fully supported the quota reform movement. Our strategy from the beginning was to stay in the background. Our prominent faces would not appear publicly. Tactically, we did not want to join the movement under the party banner initially. 

However, on July 8, we formally announced our support and clarified our position on the quota issue. During the July uprising across Bangladesh, including Dhaka University, our activists were actively present.

We always wanted the quota movement to remain non-partisan. We discussed this approach with Nahid and Asif. From early July, students from Dhaka University tried to give the movement a more structured, organizational base. Two JCD representatives were initially included in the first committee of the anti-discrimination student movement. 

Later, three more from JCD were added to the coordination committee, making it five in total. The leadership advised us to nominate junior activists, as many senior JCD leaders were already known faces.

BSS: On July 14 midnight, students took to the streets chanting Razakar! Razakar! slogans. What was JCD's role at that stage?

Nasir: During the quota reform movement, Sheikh Hasina labeled the protesters as descendants of Razakars. In protest, students at Dhaka University brought out processions that night. Many of our JCD activists were still living in the halls despite hostile conditions. We were already in touch with these hall-based students. Every single JCD activist from Dhaka University took part in that midnight procession.
It was our activists who added the line "Tumi Ke, Ami Ke, Razakar! Razakar! Ke Boleche, Ke Boleche, Shoirachar, Shoirachar". It was the JCD activists who first dared to publicly label Sheikh Hasina a "Shoirachar (autocrat)" at Dhaka University campus.

BSS: How did you learn about the deaths of Abu Sayed and Wasim Akram?

Nasir: On July 15, female students at Dhaka University were attacked by Chhatra League cadres. Many JCD activists were also injured that day. Even at Dhaka Medical College, injured students were attacked again by ruling party cadres. 

Many of our activists were arrested that night. In protest, on July 16, we organized a procession and press conference at Nayapaltan.
While we were at the press conference, we received the news of Abu Sayed's killing in Rangpur. Shortly afterward, we learned that Wasim Akram, a JCD member of Chittagong College, was also killed by police firing. Wasim had posted on Facebook that day, saying "Sholoshahar A Aso (Come to Sholoshahar)," rallying everyone in Chittagong. His call represented the entire spirit of JCD.

I first heard of Wasim's martyrdom from BNP's acting chairman Tarique Rahman. At every protest site across the country, our units were involved. They were all instructed to actively engage from day one.

BSS: On July 16 night, Chhatra League were ousted from the university halls. Did JCD participate in this process?

Nasir: After the July 15 attacks, the movement reached a tipping point. We immediately instructed all JCD units to fully participate. That night, Chhatra League members were driven out of the halls.
Our president Rakib bhai, I and one of the current student advisers held multiple meetings that day to plan the eviction. JCD had a significant role in this phase. It was a critical milestone in the movement.

BSS: How did you mobilize your private university units in the movement?

Nasir: After July 17, students of private universities intensified the movement. Through our private university committees, we stayed in touch with them. The role they played especially on Badda-Rampura Road was unprecedented in global student movements.

We were initially worried that the movement might lose momentum once Dhaka University was closed. But our private university units assured us that they would continue. Their spontaneous involvement changed public perception about them. 

Without formal leadership, they proved they were ready to sacrifice everything to protect the country. Their contribution should be remembered for a hundred years.

BSS: How did madrasa students play role in the uprising?

Nasir: Madrasa students took a strong stand in the Jatrabari area by mid-July. They had suffered greatly under the Awami League government in previous years. Their role in Jatrabari was unforgettable. Had protests in Badda, Rampura and Jatrabari been weaker, the outcome could have been different.

The government later claimed that "third parties" had entered the movement. Yes! They were in the movement. And if they hadn't participate in the movement, there would have been no regime change. One faction of the protesters said they only wanted quota reform, not the government's fall. But we pushed a third force into the movement and because of that, Hasina's regime collapsed.

BSS: What strategies did you adopt to make the movement successful?

Nasir: After Abu Sayed and Wasim were martyred, we divided Dhaka into several zones. Everyone knew who would be where on which day. We had indirect coordination with Islami Chhatra Shibir. 

Abdul Kader from the anti-discrimination student movement and Rashed Khan from Gono Odhikar Parishad acted as liaisons with Shibir. They coordinated who would be stationed where. At the last stage of movement, all of JCD's coordination was done through Abdul Kader. His indirect communication with the acting chairman was also held through us.

BSS: What was the most terrifying moment for you during the uprising?

Nasir: July 19 was the worst day of my political life. Being alive of me that day is nothing but a miracle. A deadly clash occurred in Paltan that day which was the only one incident that happened in that area during the entire uprising. Several fellow warriors were martyred right next to me. Imran from Dhaka College stood beside me and was shot. I was also hit by rubber bullets.

BSS: How did you maintain coordination during the internet blackout?

Nasir: The first curfew was imposed on July 19 night. Internet was cut off. I lost contact even with our president Rakib bhai. We used to continue internet-based communication. Many of us didn't even have active offline numbers.

Suddenly, there was a communication breakdown. The acting chairman himself bridged the gap by contacting me and giving my number to Rakib bhai. That night, he advised me to break the curfew the next morning. We led the first protest in Shantinagar. Jamuna TV aired it briefly before it's server was made down under government pressure.

We were instructed to use a different phone every day, use it once, then discard it. We gave our numbers to Salahuddin bhai, who then passed our numbers to the acting chairman and others. We continued this method until August 5.

We carried small routers for internet access during those challenging times. Many of us were cut off from our families. Even when someone tried to contact with parents offline, law enforcement agency would detain the family members.

BSS: Which areas did you oversee as part of JCD's coordination?

Nasir: I coordinated the movement in the areas like Mirpur, Banashree, Aftabnagar and Uttara. We would stay in one location and communicate from 2-3 km away. We'd leave the communication phone behind and move elsewhere. We also coordinated with other movement leaders like Abdul Kader for programme outlines.

Sometimes, we had to move to places where Wi-Fi was available just to attend meetings. Once, when Wi-Fi went down right before a meeting, I traveled from Uttara to Mirpur by rickshaw just to reconnect. Everyone thought I had been arrested. It was an extremely difficult time.

One night, I was called to join a protest in Badda. I was in Mirpur then. On the way through Banani, I saw Awami League, Jubo League and Chhatra League men armed with sticks and rods. It was terrifying. But I pushed on. I had to get to Badda. This happened multiple times. The acting chairman was a source of strength, like an elder brother protecting us.

BSS: Did the time difference with London ever disrupt communication with Tarique Rahman?

Nasir: Despite the time gap, whenever I called Tarique Rahman during July-August, he picked up the phone. He often knew about events outside Dhaka before we did. 

He guided us at every phase. He advised us about how to avoid arrest and what steps to be taken.

BSS: What was your stance on the call for a one-point demand?

Nasir: From late July, our party insisted that the movement must converge into a one-point demand. Standing Committee Member Salahuddin Ahmed Bhai told us to gently push students toward this goal. Everyone agreed there was no alternative but one-point: Hasina must go.

From late July, we consistently worked to persuade the student leaders. On August 3, Rakib bhai was at Shaheed Minar while I was at Shahbagh the next day. Over a hundred people died that day. On the way back to Banashree, I felt exhausted. 

That night, I spoke to the acting chairman. I had full confidence in him. I was emotionally drained. Many of our activists were being killed. He reassured me that the end was near.

BSS: What is your vision for the post-uprising "new Bangladesh"?

Nasir: The culture of impunity that Chhatra League established over the past 15-16 years, beating people to death, guest-room torture, hall occupation, must end forever. Over the past year, we've hardly seen forced participation in rallies. Guest rooms' culture has disappeared. The politics of violence must be abolished permanently.

We must build a student politics based on merit, not muscle. No more campus domination, forced participation in part rallies, harassment, or ideological violence would take place. A new, inclusive, and constructive student politics must emerge. And we are committed to making that a reality.