BSS
  24 Jul 2025, 17:05

With July spirit, our fight for state-building must continue: Salman Siddiqui

Salman Siddiqui- File Photo

By Md Rasel Sarker

DHAKA, July 24, 2025 (BSS) - Among the leaders of left-leaning student organizations who played a significant role in the July Uprising, Salman Siddiqui, president of the central committee of the Socialist Students' Front, stands out prominently. 

From the quota reform movement to the nationwide uprising that ultimately led to the fall of the fascist government, he actively worked to mobilize student activists and strengthen the movement across the country.

Salman Siddiqui hails from Shibganj upazila in Bogura. His late father, Abu Bakar Siddiq, was a businessman and his mother is Papia Nasrin. After completing his early education at local schools, Salman passed his HSC from Government Azizul Haque College in Bogura.

In the 2010-11 academic session, he was admitted to the Department of World Religions and Culture at Dhaka university, where he later completed his bachelor's degree.

Salman joined the Socialist Students' Front in his first year at the university and later served as president of the Dhaka University unit. He has led various alliances of left-leaning student organizations, including the Progressive Students' Alliance and "Dhaka University Against Repression."

Most recently, he served as the coordinator of the Democratic Students' Alliance, a coalition of eight leftist student organizations. He currently holds the position of president of the Socialist Students' Front's central committee.

In a recent interview with Bangladesh Sangbad Sangstha (BSS), Salman shared his insights and experiences from the July Uprising, detailing his involvement and his organization's role in the movement.

BSS: How did the quota reform movement emerge? When and how did you get involved?

Salman Siddiqui: I was involved in the 2018 quota reform movement as well. When the movement was called off after meeting with Awami League General Secretary Obaidul Quader, we were determined to keep it going. We remained strongly present on the ground.

We believed the demand to reform the 56% quota in government jobs was legitimate. That movement succeeded to an extent. However, instead of reform, Sheikh Hasina completely abolished all quotas out of sheer stubbornness, which was unjust. Quotas should have remained for women, indigenous and marginalized communities.

Following a High Court verdict in 2024 that reinstated the quota system, students were compelled to rise again. As the new wave of the movement began, our activists at Dhaka University joined the processions. 

At that time, we were already mobilizing a different campaign against the 2021 National Curriculum, which we saw as destructive to education. We had collected over 500,000 signatures and organized numerous programs with teachers, students and academics. But when the quota issue resurfaced, we decided to suspend our existing campaign and fully support the quota reform movement.

We also reactivated the Democratic Students' Alliance and held a press conference at Madhur Canteen on July 7, demanding rational reform rather than total abolition of quotas. We argued for retention of affirmative quotas for women, hill communities and other underrepresented groups. 
However, the government ignored all demands. The movement escalated and we joined it wholeheartedly.

BSS: What challenges did you face as a student leader participating in a non-partisan movement?

Salman Siddiqui: Initially, it was challenging for student leaders to join the movement under their organizational banners. Those of us with high visibility tried to stay in the background to prevent complications. Most student organizations adopted a similar strategy. 

Since it was a movement led by general students, we remained cautious in the early phase. Still, our activists were present and involved from the beginning. After the brutal attack by Chhatra League on students at Dhaka University on July 15, we took to the streets with renewed force, and the July Uprising gained momentum with broad public participation.

BSS: Did you anticipate that the quota reform movement would evolve into a full-fledged uprising?

Salman Siddiqui: No one initially imagined that the quota reform movement would evolve into a movement to overthrow the government. But after July 15, it became clear. The government had started killing protesters indiscriminately and unleashed brutal repression through Chhatra League, Jubo League, and state agencies. 

We had been resisting Hasina's fascist regime for years and believed that such a system would eventually fall. No matter how powerful an oppressive ruler is, the united awakening of the people becomes inevitable.

BSS: Did you have communication with the anti-discrimination student movement during uprising? 

Salman Siddiqui: Initially, the anti-discrimination movement leaders, particularly those linked to Gonotantrik Chhatra Shakti, didn't give much space to leftist student organizations. But through persistent effort, we created that space. 

Since we supported the movement's values, we kept trying to ensure presence across campuses. When state repression intensified, our activists stepped forward. For example, at Eden College, where the first major attack on July 15 occurred, our DU unit president Shahinur Akhter Sumi organized the students. 

On July 14, they had declared they would march from Eden to Raju Sculpture. The administration tried to lock them in and Chhatra League attacked when students broke the locks to join the movement.

Progressive student organizations played a key role that day, helping nearly 300 Eden students reach the Raju Sculpture. Women students played a crucial role in the movement. Their presence prevented the government from fully suppressing the uprising.

BSS: Despite being fewer in number, how did leftist student activists contribute to the movement?

Salman Siddiqui: The Democratic Students' Alliance initially consisted of eight organizations; during the uprising, seven leftist groups remained active. Though we were fewer in number, we gave our all. While no one from our ranks died, many were shot or injured. 

From Dhaka to the districts, our activists actively supported the movement wherever they were. Shahinur Sumi and Sumaiya Shahina from Eden, Sanjida Akhter and Tilottama Eti from Chhatra Union, Skya Islam from Student Council and Nuzia Hasin Rasha from DU all played vital roles. 
At Jagannath University, Evan Tahsin had brokrn his arm in the movement. We gave clear instructions to stay engaged and do everything possible to ensure the success of the movement.

BSS: Where were you during the movement and how did you personally participate?

Salman Siddiqui: I was initially staying in a mess at Sobhanbagh and would join protests from there. Later, I couldn't stay in that mess due to security risks, it was eventually attacked. 
I started joining protests from friends' or relatives' homes. Personally, I was active around TSC, Shahbagh, Press Club, Paltan and Shaheed Minar during the movement.

BSS: Which event triggered your organization's full-scale involvement?

Salman Siddiqui: We were involved from the beginning, though initially the movement was narrowly focused on quota reform. 
After the barbaric attack by Chhatra League on July 15 and even at Dhaka Medical on injured students, we called for widespread student-public resistance and instructed our activists to intensify their presence on the ground.

BSS: Which moment from the uprising left the deepest mark on you?
Salman Siddiqui: There are many emotional memories. When attacks began on July 14 across the country, we were receiving alarming news. On July 15, we rushed to hospitals to see the injured and witnessed Chhatra League's relentless brutality firsthand. The bloodied faces of female students were deeply painful.

On July 16, our fellow fighters from Rangpur informed that police had shot and killed a student from Begum Rokeya University's English department. Soon after, we heard of another killing in Chattogram, Wasim Akram. That day, six students were killed. The killings continued in the following days.

Each incident was unforgettable. But I especially remember the night when DU's female students came out of their halls and gathered at Raju Sculpture, chanting slogans against Sheikh Hasina. That moment remains etched in memory. These memories are not dead, they are living forces guiding our responsibilities today.

BSS: How did you communicate with others during the internet blackout?

Salman Siddiqui: When internet was shut down, we sent press statements via SMS, breaking them into small parts. Occasionally, weak internet allowed limited Messenger use. We shared directions through message groups. 

When DB detained key coordinators, we used junior comrades to relay our statements to the anti-discrimination coordination. We also used a WhatsApp group to coordinate actions across campuses.

BSS: Why was the July Uprising necessary? What might have happened if it failed?

Salman Siddiqui: No matter how powerful the Awami League seemed, they were becoming increasingly disconnected from the people for depriving them of democratic rights and entrenching fascist misrule. Their fall was inevitable, if not in 2024, then in 2025, 2026, or later.

The success of the uprising was assured because it had massive public support. Parents brought their children to the streets. When such public awakening occurs, victory is inevitable. 

If it hadn't succeeded, repression would have intensified, and the regime would have continued jailing, torturing, and prosecuting activists.

BSS: What are student organizations doing to honor the martyrs and wounded?

Salman Siddiqui: Around 1,500 people like Abu Sayed, Mugdho, Shakil and Anas were martyred. We're commemorating them through publications and organizing various programmes like memorials, seminars, exhibitions, cycling rallies, candlelight vigils and cultural events throughout July-August. 

We've demanded inclusion of the uprising in textbooks and the installation of memorial plaques at educational institutions. We plan to host a major programme "July Jagoron" on August 9, 2025 at Raju Sculpture and are visiting families of the martyrs to share their stories and photos.

BSS: Many students demanded politics free campuses. How do you see the future of student politics in post-uprising period?

Salman Siddiqui: Chhatra League's reign of terror made many students skeptical of politics. But student politics is a democratic right. The solution can't come through banning student politics. 

We fought against Chhatra League's dominance and believe positive change is needed. Student politics must prioritize student welfare. Student unions like DUCSU must be reactivated so student leaders can engage with and serve their peers. Students must reject those who use violence and empower those who stand for justice.


BSS: What kind of new Bangladesh do you envision?

Salman Siddiqui: We must restore the rights taken away by fascist rule. The first step is to ensure justice for the killings during the uprising, rehabilitate the families of the martyrs and provide proper treatment for the injured. 

The government must urgently implement reforms and hold free and fair elections to ensure lasting change.

BSS: What should students and citizens do to fulfill the promise of the uprising?

Salman Siddiqui: Changing the government is not the same as changing the state apparatus. The systems of extortion, corruption, and violence persist. That's why the July Uprising hasn't ended, it's still unfolding. 
The martyrs dreamed of a just, exploitation-free society. We must carry their struggle forward. Just as the martyrs of 1971 fulfilled their duty, so too did the martyrs of 2024. Now it's our responsibility to continue the fight for building a new, fair state.