Aman Ullah Aman- File Photo

By Md. Rasel Sarker

DHAKA, July 22, 2025 (BSS) - Aman Ullah Aman, central organizing secretary of Bangladesh Jatiyatabadi Chhatra Dal (JCD), played a vital role during the July Uprising that led to ouster of fascist Sheikh Hasina government on August 5, 2024. 

As one of the top leaders of the student organization, he actively coordinated with the leaders of the Anti-Discrimination Student Movement and worked to keep the momentum alive, based on the advice of the BNP high command.

Aman Ullah hails from the Sadar Upazila of Barguna. His father late Abdur Rahim Musulli was an imam at a local mosque. His mother, Ambia Begum, is a homemaker. Aman is the sixth among seven siblings. After completing his schooling in the village, he passed HSC from Tejgaon College in Dhaka. He later earned both bachelor's and master's degrees in Music from the University of Dhaka. Currently, he is pursuing a second master's degree in Information Science and Library Management at the same university, having previously completed a postgraduate degree in Japanese Studies.

On March 1, 2025, Aman Ullah was made the central organizing secretary of JCD. Before that, he served as the member secretary of the Dhaka University branch and general secretary of the Shaheed Sergeant Zahurul Haque Hall unit of JCD. 

Due to his active participation in anti-government movements during the Awami League regime, he endured imprisonment and political repression. He was arrested on November 4, 2023, in connection with a police killing case linked to the BNP’s October 28 rally in Paltan. He was taken on a 19-day remand and released on bail more than three months later, on February 14, 2024.

In an exclusive interview with BSS, Aman Ullah recounted his long standing struggle for emancipation from the shackle of the fascist Hasina government, that ultimately culminated through the 2024 July Uprising.

BSS: When and how did you get involved in the quota reform movement? What was your party’s position at the beginning?
Aman Ullah: For over a decade and a half, fascist Hasina held on to power through suppression and constitutional manipulation. We were already on the streets protesting her regime—illegal elections and many other issues were already in our sight. BNP and its affiliated bodies have long endured persecution in this fight. There was a deep-rooted desire within us to see fascist Sheikh Hasina removed. We were actively looking for a platform to express that desire to its fullest extent—and we found that opportunity in the student protest for quota reform.

Generally, anyone who stands against the regime is always looking for an issue to mobilize around. We got that issue in July.
When the protests resumed on July 1, we joined in quietly, as ordinary students. Those of us involved with Chatra Dal couldn’t reveal our identities—Chhatra League would recognize us immediately. If we had joined under our organizational identity, it would have tainted the movement and possibly derail it completely. That’s why, in the early phase, neither Chatra Dal, nor Islami Chhatra Shibir, nor the leftist student groups participated under their official banners. The Anti-Discrimination Student Movement platform was intentionally made open to everyone except pro-government forces.

BSS: At what point did you formally mobilize your party workers to engage in the movement?
Aman Ullah: When the government showed no interest in the students' ultimatum to cancel the quota reinstatement, protests started to gain momentum on July 1, there were processions at DU. On July 2, Shahbagh intersection was blocked for about an hour. That same day, students blocked the Dhaka-Aricha highway near Jahangirnagar University.
We then quietly instructed Chhatra Dal members who lived in university dorms—but who weren’t known faces to the Chhatra League—to actively take part in these demonstrations. As senior leaders, we stayed close and monitored the situation.
When fascist Hasina insulted the protesting students by calling them “descendants of Razakars,” it triggered an explosion of anger. She holds no legitimate mandate, yet she flies the national flag on her car. When someone in such a position insults the entire population, it’s impossible to stay silent.
People were already furious with her—this just made it worse.
Then came July 15, when banned Chhatra League unleashed brutal attacks on DU students. We held a press conference at Paltan and called on everyone to join the struggle against the government.
Anyone who can unleash such barbaric, inhuman violence on students deserves nothing less than total opposition.
On July 16, the movement truly evolved into an anti-government uprising—when Abu Sayeed, a student at Begum Rokeya University in Rangpur, and Wasim Akram, a member of the Chittagong College unit of JCD, were killed.
Wasim had posted a profoundly emotional message on Facebook just before his death:"Come to Sholoshahar. My beloved Chhatra Dal is fighting for ordinary students. I will become a martyr under that name."See how deep his commitment was? Allah granted his wish.

Wasim’s martyrdom galvanized Chhatra Dal members nationwide. We all took ownership of the movement and hit the streets.
From the very beginning of July, we maintained daily contact with acting BNP Chairman Tarique Rahman. The BNP high command guided us on how to boost the movement. And it wasn’t just at Dhaka University—Chhatra Dal was actively supporting protests in other universities and colleges as well, creating banners and festoons, forming human shields with sticks to protect students, and giving them courage to stand up.

BSS: Your party’s activists were barred from dormitories for a long time. They weren’t allowed to be on campus. What challenges did you face in participating in the quota reform protests at the beginning of July?
Aman Ullah: For over 15 years, Chhatra Dal couldn’t operate normally on campuses. Even though our activists were legitimate students, they were denied access to dormitories. That definitely seemed like a challenge at first—but in the end, it actually worked in our favor. Had our activists been in the dorms, they wouldn’t have been able to participate in the protests as freely. Instead, they joined from off-campus—staying in messes, rented homes, or with relatives. Until July 16, Chhatra League couldn’t identify them.
Those of us who participated later were, of course, familiar faces. We’ve long been denied access to university facilities. University staff and even many teachers treated us like outcasts. Some professors even handed over our activists to the police when they sought shelter. In moments of national crisis, we look to university teachers as moral guardians—but many of them had become deeply politicized. During the protests, they even held human chains at the base of Aparajeya Bangla, standing with fascism against the students.
Frankly, they should also be held accountable—questioned or even tried for their roles. Their moral collapse helped prolong fascism in this country.

BSS: Did you anticipate that the quota reform movement would eventually transform into a mass uprising or a campaign to overthrow the government?
Aman Ullah: The July uprising was simply the culmination of that momentum, fused with student and public awakening. Everyone who stood with us in the anti-fascist joint movement was, in fact, united in the goal of toppling the government.

BSS: What inspired you and your party’s activists to participate in the July uprising?
Aman Ullah: We were already motivated, but our greatest source of inspiration is Tarique Rahman.
He constantly thinks about the liberation of this country and guided us with direction and strength. Throughout this movement, he stayed deeply involved. 

BSS: Can you recall any particular incident from the July uprising that left a lasting impression on you—something you still carry with you emotionally?
Aman Ullah: Yes. On July 18 in Uttara’s Azampur, Mir Mahfuzur Rahman Mugdha was martyred by police bullets—shouting out, “Does anyone need water? Water!” A father's broken plea: “You won’t give my son a job, so why did you kill him?”Those voices haunted us.
And so did the final Facebook post of Shaheed Wasim Akram, who called out: “Come to Sholoshahar.”He wrote:“My beloved Chhatra Dal is fighting for the ordinary students. I will give my life under this name.”What a plea from the soul. And Allah granted his wish—he became a martyr.
Also etched in my memory is a statement by Jahangirnagar University teacher Golam Rabbani:
“I despise any father who is afraid to identify his child’s body.”That speech still echoes in my ears.
God had provided this movement with elements of spiritual awakening. fascist Hasina had crossed all limits—and so, her fall was inevitable. When the people rose, the Creator stood with the people.

BSS: Did you have direct communication with the coordinators of the anti-discrimination student movement during the protests? How did you coordinate?
Aman Ullah: From the beginning of July, we maintained some form of contact with the movement coordinators. Every day, we discussed the path of the movement with them. 
We had more experience in organizing protests. The coordinators didn’t always know the strategies we had refined over the years. We advised them on how to make the movement more effective, even down to the specific types of programs to hold. These were usually discussed the day before implementation.
When there were internet blackouts, we helped them stay connected through VPNs and alternative communication methods. We were better prepared than them in that area. We shared all that knowledge with them.
There’s no such thing as separate stakeholders in a mass uprising. The current narrative being spread is wrong. This was a people’s uprising—with participation from all classes and professions.

BSS: Were Chhatra Dal leaders under surveillance from Chhatra League or state intelligence during the movement? As a key leader, did you feel threatened?
Aman Ullah: Around 600 of our activists are victims of enforced disappearances over the course of various movements. Just imagine—so many members of one organization, vanished. Under fascist Hasina’s rule, 186 people were extra-judicially killed. During the July uprising alone, 142 JCD activists were martyred.
The police and intelligence agencies were relentless in hunting our top leadership. In one case, a comrade of mine accidentally spoke to me on the phone—offline. Within 15–20 minutes, he was arrested. He was then tortured in remand to extract information about me.
We used secure technology to stay in touch, which helped us avoid being tracked. In truth, Allah protected our top leadership during the July uprising. Nearly 9,500 BNP activists were arrested during this movement. Among them, the top 5–6 Chhatra Dal leaders—including myself—were the most heavily targeted. Chhatra League viewed us as the biggest threat.

BSS: When social media and the internet were shut down, how did you coordinate movement? How did you determine where your activists would take part?
Aman Ullah: We followed every possible strategy to keep the movement alive on the ground while avoiding arrest. Acting Chairman Tarique Rahman gave clear instructions: “Avoid arrest at all costs—but never leave the streets.”
After July 18, the internet was shut down. Before that, we used WhatsApp for coordination. We had anticipated this—so we were ready.

BSS: Why was the July uprising indispensable? If this movement had not succeeded, where do you think the country’s situation would have gone?
Aman Ullah: In the history of uprisings against dictatorships worldwide, initially, movements start over a single issue, then it turns into a full explosion of all accumulated grievances. The fascist Sheikh  Hasina government had created a poisonous condition in the country, which the July uprising ended. 
The Digital Security Act had taken away people's right to free speech. Over eleven and a half thousand people have been imprisoned under this act. So people were looking for a way to be free. The Safe Roads Movement didn’t achieve that success. BNP held many programs. If someone says, "You failed," that's a very immature comment. Without the right context, uprisings don’t happen. We struggled a lot during the 2014, 2018, and 2024 elections, risking our lives, with many leaders arrested, detained, and tortured. Thinking of those times makes one shiver. If this movement hadn’t succeeded, it would have been a collective failure, and darkness would have come to the country. But when the people collectively awaken, success inevitably follows. No political party alone can lead an uprising; everyone must participate.

BSS: The blood-soaked popular uprising toppled the fascist regime. What has JCD done at a large scale for the families of the martyrs and the injured, and what are the future plans?
Aman Ullah: The government that came to power on the blood of July’s martyrs has the primary responsibility to rehabilitate martyr families and provide treatment and rehabilitation for the injured. We are conducting various programs to remember the martyrs and keep in touch with their families, trying to stand by them. As a student organization, we have held the most programs for the July fighters. We continue to remember them and will try to keep their contributions memorable in the future. We will stay with the martyr families and the injured.

BSS: Is unity among the leadership and organizations of the July Uprising necessary for reforms in various sectors to build a discrimination-free new Bangladesh? How can that unity be maintained?
Aman Ullah: Unity is 100 percent necessary to build a new Bangladesh. We were united to strengthen the July movement that eventually turned into the mass uprising.  

BSS: Due to repression and politics by Chhatra League, many ordinary students during the July movement demanded politics-free campuses. What kind of politics is JCD practicing post-uprising? What changes are you bringing to student politics?
Aman Ullah: The politics practiced by Chhatra League under Awami League was not real student politics. It was politics of occupation and oppression. There was structural oppression in educational institutions. Many students thought student politics was synonymous with this. So, many demanded politics-free campuses. But student politics is necessary here because every democratic and liberation movement has been led and guided by student politics. Without student politics, this country cannot move forward. After August 5, student politics has changed. We are doing student-friendly positive politics and listening to students. We formed 38 teams and visited over three thousand educational institutions in a month to ask students what would make student politics beneficial for them. Based on their advice, we are trying to bring positive changes.

BSS: How do you envision a new Bangladesh after the uprising? How can the country be built more beautifully?
Aman Ullah: The workers and rickshaw drivers who risked their lives on the streets did not do it for jobs alone. Their goal was to free the country from fascism and corruption. People want their fundamental rights fulfilled, where there is no bribery or corruption. That expectation is still unmet. Still, I believe change will come. Since a vile fascism has fallen, the government that comes must understand the sacrifices many made to gain this victory. Therefore, we have a minimum responsibility to the people. People are now peaceful in one sense and can speak freely. Freedom of speech is their greatest right. But there is still a severe shortage of other rights. Still, I hope and dream that not everyone will rot; someone will hold and carry the people, and Bangladesh will rise again.