Mansura Alam -Photo: Collected

By Esme Azom

DHAKA, July 20, 2025 (BSS) – Mansura Alam, Joint General Secretary of the Bangladesh Jatiotabadi Chatra Dal (JCD), has long been at the frontlines of political activism in Bangladesh. A relentless presence in the streets, she has dedicated years to fighting for democratic rights and justice.

During the July 2024 mass uprising, Mansura once again took to the streets—this time not just as a partisan figure, but as part of a collective citizen movement that transcended party lines. Choosing to forgo banners and designations, she immersed herself in the movement as an ordinary student, supporting those on the frontlines and standing beside the injured.

In an exclusive interview with Bangladesh Sangbad Sangstha (BSS), Mansura reflected on the most difficult days of the uprising, especially July 19, when she visited Dhaka Medical College Hospital and witnessed the aftermath of state sponsored violence. “I couldn’t hold back my tears,” she said, recalling the horrific scenes of bloodied bodies and terrified students.

As one of the few senior female political leaders actively involved in the uprising, Mansura also shared how she supported other female protesters—ensuring their safety, arranging shelter, and helping the injured. Her account is both a testimony of personal conviction and a window into the sacrifice, solidarity, and raw emotions that defined those critical days in July. Here is the full interview… 

BSS: You’ve had a long history of being on the streets fighting for rights. When students began protesting the quota system on June 5 last year, what were your initial thoughts on the movement?

Mansura Alam: For those of us involved in the politics of Chhatra Dal and BNP, our history of struggle on the streets is extensive. When the High Court reinstated the quota system on June 5, 2024, the student community erupted and began to protest. Naturally, since I was involved with a student organization and in student politics, I joined the students from that perspective. I fully supported their demands. This movement felt like a form of retribution against the oppression and torture that the fascist Hasina government had inflicted upon us.

For a long time, there was a prevailing taboo that if anyone from Chhatra Dal or BNP joined a movement, it would automatically be labeled as an anti-government protest. For this reason, although students initially disagreed with our direct participation, we gradually became front-line fighters in this movement. However, to ensure the movement's direction didn't change and that it achieved its full potential, we participated as ordinary students, without displaying our political affiliation or banners. Nevertheless, since this movement was centered on job quotas, students from all backgrounds spontaneously took to the streets to fight for their rights.

When did you become directly involved in the movement’s activities?
Mansura Alam: I was directly involved in this movement from the very beginning, but I never sought to be focused on media. I avoided it because I feared that the autocratic Sheikh Hasina government would use my name to divert the movement's focus. Nevertheless, I participated in every program of the Anti-Discrimination Student Movement. We tried to ensure that our general students were at the forefront, and they were.

From early on, we saw significant participation from female students. Were you working with them in any way during the movement?
Mansura Alam: Even though female students had a quota in jobs, they still took to the streets. They knew that if this movement succeeded, they would lose their quota, but they disregarded that and joined the protests. They set aside that quota and joined with general students. Men and women united to protest against discrimination and injustice, which is a truly historic event—a rare occurrence in history.
As I mentioned earlier, being involved in Chhatra Dal politics brought certain limitations to my participation in this movement. Despite that, from our position, we continuously communicated with the female student activists, inquiring about their well-being and how we could assist them. I stayed in touch with several of them regarding these matters.
On July 15, when the Chhatra League attacked students at Dhaka University, many, including female students, were injured. Many of the injured were taken to Ibn Sina Hospital. I went there and checked on all the female students. Many students couldn't return to their dorms, so we arranged accommodations for them. My organization and I stood by the students, providing all the support that was needed at that time.

Can you describe what you experienced on the night of July 14?
Mansura Alam: On the night of July 14, I was at my own residence. Later, I heard that the girls were coming out of their dorms chanting slogans. As soon as I heard this, I rushed to the campus. Everyone was shouting, "Who are you? Who am I? Razakar! Razakar!" And then some of our Chhatra Dal members started chanting, "Who are you? Who am I? Razakar! Razakar! Who said it? Who said it? Autocrat! Autocrat!" This period was a kind of strange frenzy!

For those of us who have struggled against the fallen fascist Hasina, this moment felt like a dream come true. Even after all the students returned to their dorms, I remained on campus. Due to politics, there was no real distinction between day and night in my life. I had become accustomed to everything.

How did you experience the attacks on July 15, and what actions did you take that day?

Mansura Alam: After hearing that there was a fight on campus, I rushed over. Since I had been out that night, I was at home in the morning. However, as campus is close to my house, I quickly got there after hearing about the attack. Afterward, I visited several hospitals, including Dhaka Medical and Islami Bank Hospital, to check on the injured students.
The fascist Awami League's terrorist wings—Chhatra League, Jubo League, and the police—would always attack every democratic movement and every protest for rights. Then, even when victims went to the hospital for medical treatment, they weren't safe from attacks there either. The same thing happened that day. After attacking on campus, they also attacked the emergency department of the medical center.
I saw many injured people across several hospitals; they were lying on the hospital floors in whatever way they could due to their injuries. Girls were crying and saying they wouldn't be able to re-enter their dorms. They were afraid of how they would get back in. At that moment, I reassured them and told them I would be there for them. I told them to let me know if anyone had trouble staying in their dorms.

What was your experience on July 16 and 17?
Mansura Alam: On July 16, there was a program at Shaheed Minar. That day, six people, including Abu Sayeed and Wasim, were martyred. I was at Shaheed Minar. A tense atmosphere prevailed all around. 
At one point, a young man came up to me and said, “Sister, you are a familiar face of Chhatra Dal. It might be better if you stay a bit behind or out of sight, rather than in front of everyone.” I then became enraged with him and told him he couldn’t say that to me. This was because a Chhatra Dal member had already been martyred. News of Wasim’s death had already arrived.
I said, “I can see that everyone around us is our people; leaders and activists from various levels of Chhatra Dal are present here. A Chhatra Dal member has been martyred, so why should I be told I can’t be here? What tag are we still afraid of?”
After that, we stayed at Shaheed Minar until evening. Later, a procession was supposed to start, entering Raju Sculpture via Doel Chattar. However, the procession stopped at Doel Chattar shortly after it began. We all wanted to overcome all obstacles and take a stand at TSC, but those leading couldn’t make a decision. Because of this, we were all extremely frustrated. Many people angrily asked, “What’s the problem, brothers? Why aren’t you moving forward? Why are you risking so many lives? We’ll either go to TSC and do something or retreat from here. Why are you just standing? What exactly do you want to do?”
However, amidst all this turmoil, an announcement eventually came that today’s program was over.
What happened next was that when the students who were at Shaheed Minar were returning to their respective destinations, the terrorist Chhatra League positioned themselves at various intersections, searching and attacking students. Many fell victim to these unprovoked attacks that day.
After the procession ended, I took a rickshaw home. However, upon hearing news that the Chhatra League was being kicked out from the dorms overnight, I returned to campus. At that time, I was getting updates from the dorm groups. The girls were saying, “All the dorms are taking initiative, why aren’t we?” Then everyone was taking written statements prohibiting student politics, which I discussed with the top leaders of our organization. I asked, “Now that there’s talk of banning student politics and students want to do something like this, what should we do?” We were then informed by the higher-ups that it was not a problem. They had discussed it with the students, and it was to be seen as a mere formality for show. We had to accept it for the sake of the movement and to advance it, as the students desired.
Following this, the Chhatra League began to be kicked out from the dorms one by one. I remained on campus that night amidst various tensions. On July 17, there was a gayebana janaza (funeral prayer in absentia) and a coffin procession. Around 11am that day, I saw that the police had dispersed the students by firing tear gas. The entire campus was filled with smoke. Students were leaving the dorms, as the announcement to vacate them had already been made. As we were proceeding with the coffin procession towards Raju Sculpture, we were shot at by the police when we reached Gurdwara Nanak Shahi. At this point, we all became disoriented. Everyone ran in different directions. I took refuge in the Giasuddin residential quarters, where I stayed for several hours. However, the situation was so bad that it was impossible to organize. The night of the July 17 was spent in great despair.

Dhaka University was closed on July 17, and the network was shut down from the afternoon of July 18. How did you remain active in the movement during this time? 

Mansura Alam: After the campus closed on July 17, private university students took to the streets on the 18th. Their involvement gave the movement a new direction. On the 18th, I observed various points around the city and participated the movement in several places. Later, when the internet slowed down in the afternoon and was completely shut off at night, I used SMS to urge everyone to organize.

During the Internet blackout, TV channels broadcasted very disheartening news. There was a horrifying genocide happening all around, yet the TV channels revealed none of it. The most killings in Dhaka occurred on July 19 and 20. On the 19th, I heard there were extensive clashes in Jatrabari, with many casualties. Numerous bodies were lying in Dhaka Medical. Despite immense obstacles, I went to Dhaka Medical. I couldn’t hold back my tears there. The fallen fascist autocrat had carried out such horrific killings—it’s beyond words.
For the next few days, I regularly visited the medical facilities to observe the situation. At that time, I felt compelled to go to the hospital and help someone, to see if anyone needed anything.
I personally believed that so many people had given their lives, and their sacrifices could not be in vain. The fascist Hasina had to pay the price. So, I tried to influence everyone around me, saying that we couldn’t betray these many lives. We had to continue the movement. I said that this government had no legitimacy to stay in power after so many deaths. It was at this time that I spoke to everyone about the “one-point demand.”

What was your experience like in the days after the network was restored?
Mansura Alam: After that, the anti-discrimination student movement had various programs, including wall writings, and teachers also had different initiatives. I participated in those programs. During this time, I focused on how to enter the university campus. I stayed in touch with the families of those killed and also with the injured, inquiring about their medical treatment.

What were you doing from August 1 to 5?
Mansura Alam: From the moment six people were martyred on the July 16, I had been thinking about the “one-point demand.” I had said that we absolutely had to move towards a single demand. BNP’s acting chairman Tarique Rahman, had announced that we must set aside all political calculations and stand shoulder to shoulder with the people of the country to continue the movement until Hasina’s downfall. We were in the spirit that no matter the circumstances or direction of the movement, we had to be hundred percent committed to it. And besides being on the streets, we were there to help people, to stand by them—especially those who were injured—and we still are.
On August 03, when everyone was at Shaheed Minar, the crowd began chanting “We want one point!” even before the one-point demand was officially declared. Later, Nahid Islam announced the one-point demand. I was at Shaheed Minar at that time. The following day, August 04, a two-day program was initially announced, but it was later revised to declare a “March to Dhaka” on August 05. All BNP organizations were instructed that no one should be left out. Everyone was given strict instructions to make the program on August 05 a success. I couldn’t sleep at all on the night of the 4th. A fear gripped my mind. I spent that historic night filled with various anxieties.
I fell asleep in the early hours of the 4th and woke up around 9am on August 05. As I was heading towards Shaheed Minar, I learned that many of our Chhatra Dal activists were trapped inside Dhaka Medical, and one person had died there.
A short while after this incident, I also heard that Hasina probably wouldn’t remain in power; she would have to flee. In the midst of this, a close elder sister called me, crying emotionally, saying that our long struggle was finally succeeding. Sheikh Hasina was fleeing. At that moment, I couldn’t understand how to react.
At this time, I was positioned towards Katabon. After speaking with that sister, I was going towards Shahbagh and telling everyone that Sheikh Hasina had fled. But no one believed me at the time, because the network was still down, so not everyone had received the news.
On the streets, people thought we were joking; many thought it might be true. But by the time I reached Shahbagh, I saw that everyone, by telling each other, had agreed that Hasina was no longer there. And a short while later, the internet came back. Then we saw the video of her fleeing on a chartered plane. The feeling at that moment is truly inexpressible.

Women played a significant role in this movement. What are your expectations for women's participation in Bangladeshi politics after August 5?
Mansura Alam: I don’t have to exaggerate the participation of women in the movement. Female students have proven themselves in many ways; they have shown tremendous examples of courage. However, the current discourse surrounding women’s participation in politics and the “space” we talk about creating for them faces various challenges. If the propaganda and social media attacks against women involved in politics don’t stop, then the creation of this “space” for women will remain confined to mere discussion. 

My expectation is that society will overcome these limitations and create a healthy and beautiful environment where women can safely conduct their activities.