Abdul Qader -Photo: Collected

By Esme Azom

DHAKA, July 19, 2025 (BSS) - Abdul Qader, a student from the 2018-19 session of the Institute of Social Welfare at Dhaka University, served as a coordinator of the anti-discrimination student movement. 

He revitalized the movement during its most challenging times, holding the reins and inspiring participants. On days when the internet was shut down, he managed to convey the nine-point demands to the media, which reignited the movement and restored public trust.

On July 15, Qader sought help from a rickshaw puller to ascertain the location of the Chhatra League (student wing of Awami League). The rickshaw puller subsequently informed Qader about their position. Later, on August 5, as news of the fall of fascist Sheikh Hasina spread, the same rickshaw puller called Quader, crying, and exclaimed, "Mama, we've won!"

In a recent interview with the Bangladesh Sangbad Sangstha (BSS), Abdul Qader shared his reflections on the uprising and the turbulent days that shaped it.

BSS: How did you get involved in the quota reform movement?
Qader: On the afternoon of June 5, I was tutoring students in Jatrabari area. At that time, there was a discussion in our student organization's (Chhatrashakti) Messenger group about organizing a protest against the High Court's verdict that reinstated the quota system. As the discussion continued, decision was made to bring out a procession. Nahid bhai, Asif Mahmud bhai, Abdul Hannan Masud, Rifat Rashid, Hasib Al Islam, and others from our group gathered in front of the Central Library. Later, a protest march was held, which marked the official beginning of the quota reform movement.
Following this, we had a detailed discussion within our group about the movement, focusing on how to carry it forward. We initially decided that the movement would be carried out under the banner of "general students." This was a strategic choice because, at that time, any movement operating under a different banner had the risk of being labeled as anti-government or having its participants branded as "Shibir" (referring to Islami ChhatraShibir, an Islamist student organization). Considering this, we opted to conduct the movement under the banner of general students.
As the Eid holidays were approaching, we decided to begin the movement after Eid. The number of students in halls was dwindling due to the Eid holidays. For this reason, we held a human chain protest on June 9 and issued an ultimatum until June 30.

How did you participate in the movement from July 1st to July 15th, or what responsibilities did you undertake during this period?
Qader: For the first two days of July, we carried out programs under the banner of "general students." However, a problem arose when the media began quoting speakers by mentioning their affiliation with Chhatrashakti, our student organization. This created pressure on us. Some newspapers started portraying the movement as anti-government, which created problem for us.
Precisely for this reason, we felt the need to create a unified banner. During this time, several students from various halls joined us. We called a meeting at the Centenary Monument in Mall Chattar. There, we discussed the name of our movement and how the committee would be formed. In the midst of the discussion, Abdul Hannan Masud proposed the name "Boishommo Birodhi Chhatra Andolon" (Anti-Discrimination Student Movement). Since the reintroduction of quotas had created discrimination against general students, Hannan Masud proposed this name from that perspective. The name was later adopted with everyone's consent.
Following this, it was decided that a committee will be formed with the positions of "Coordinator" and "Co-Coordinator." Students up to the 2019-20 session were designated as Coordinators, and students from subsequent sessions were given the Co-Coordinator positions.
From our experience with the 2018 quota movement, we learned that a single leader can be easily manipulated through various means, such as financial incentives or intimidation, potentially suppressing the movement. Therefore, we decided to create a structure where everyone would have equal standing, preventing the emergence of a single leader and making it difficult to suppress the movement. This is why the committee was formed with "Coordinator" and "Co-Coordinator" roles.

From the beginning of the movement on July 1st, my responsibility was to oversee the discipline of announced programs and coordinate with Shibir. Similarly, Asif Mahmud bhai communicated with Chatra Dal, and Nahid coordinated with the left-wing groups. Mahfuz bhai maintained overall communication. Therefore, my primary responsibilities were to handle logistic support and manage the volunteer team.
Around July 5th, an individual named Zayed from Shibir (their then-student movement affairs secretary) contacted me. That night, I discussed with Zayed what kind of assistance we could receive from Shibir. Later, Shibir provided us with significant logistic support. All student organizations provided support, but Shibir's logistic support was particularly notable.
Under my leadership, a volunteer team of approximately 100 students were formed, and we also had a Messenger group for them. My responsibility was to manage this volunteer team, and maintain discipline at various points of the movement. It was my duty to determine how long we would stay at each point and how many volunteers would be present at each location.

What happened on the night of July 14th, and where were you at that time? What did you do?

Qader: The night of July 14th was a crucial turning point for the movement. Around 10 pm, I was still tutoring students, when I received a message that all the female students had left their dorms. Everyone was then instructed to come to campus. I quickly headed towards the campus.
In protest of a statement made by the then fascist Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina, all students gathered near Raju Sculpture, chanting the slogan, "Who are you? Who am I? Razakar - Razakar!" All students who were in the dorms took up positions on campus.
I was monitoring the situation online at that time. However, some individuals were trying to politicize this particular slogan. Our seniors (Asif bhai, Nahid bhai, and Mahfuz bhai) and I then collectively decided that this slogan could not be allowed to be diverted into a different narrative. We then asked a few female students to change the slogan to, "Neither you, nor I, Razakar - Razakar." They then started chanting this new slogan. I remained on campus until 2:30 am. After everyone returned to their dorms, I left the campus.

Please provide details about the attacks by Chhatra League on Dhaka University campus, their eviction from residential halls, and other incidents that occurred on July 15th and 16th. 

Qader: From the night of July 14th, Asif bhai, Nahid bhai, and I took shelter in the home of Mashiur bhai, a former leader of Gono Odhikar Parishad. We didn't have a specific place to stay at the time, and Mashiur bhai's family, especially his wife (bhabi), welcomed us very warmly.
Our program was scheduled for 11 AM on July 15th. Our program eventually began around 12:30 PM. Although the initial turnout was low, a large procession from Jagannath University later joined us. It was then that we learned our students were being held captive at Bijoy 71 Hall. Those who regularly attended were being blocked at their hall gates that day. A team, including one of our team leaders, went towards the hall area to bring the students. After finishing my Zuhr prayers, I returned to find everyone who gathered at Mall Chattar.
Shortly after, Chhatra League activists suddenly attacked all of us from Madhur Canteen. We all tried to resist. They were throwing bricks and stones, and many were injured. Nahid bhai was pulling two girls to safety, and I was trying to get a few others to a secure location. The situation was so dire that we entered SM Hall via Fuller Road. Chhatra League pursued us even to the teachers' quarters, where they continued to assault people. From there, we went to Dhaka Medical College for the treatment of the injured. Many, including those I knew, were seriously hurt.
On the evening of July 15th, we planned to return to campus. Our main objective was to enter the campus and prevent the movement from stopping. Asif bhai, Nahid bhai, and a few others decided that we had to enter the campus at any cost.
By that evening, three science halls (Shahidullah Hall, Amar Ekushey Hall, and Fazlul Haque Muslim Hall) came under student control, and Chhatra League was expelled. Consequently, that direction was relatively safe for us, so we planned to enter the campus from there. We then attempted to enter the campus with a procession starting from in front of Shahidullah Hall.

At the time, Shibir's metropolitan team came to assist us. They positioned themselves at Chankharpul intersection with pipes and other materials. Additionally, 20-25 members of Chhatra Dal joined us. In total, we were about 100-150 people. As we approached Shahidullah Hall, the students inside the hall mistook us for Chhatra League and began throwing bricks. The situation normalized once we started our customary slogans.
When our procession reached the Curzon Hall gate, the police stopped us. The police and journalists asked us to end our program there. Our leaders negotiated with them. Ultimately, we stayed at the Curzon Gate for a short while, concluded that day's program, and announced the next day's agenda.
Afterward, I returned to Dhaka Medical College again to check on everyone's treatment before going home. A significant incident occurred at this time. I introduced myself to a rickshaw puller, gave him my phone number, and asked him to inform me about Chhatra League's locations. He then updated me about where Chhatra League was positioned around the university area. Later, on August 5th, when we achieved victory, that rickshaw puller called me. His phone number was saved in my phone, so I answered the call. Upon answering, the rickshaw puller said, "Mama, we've won!" He then broke down in tears.
On July 16th, we observed our previously announced program at the Shaheed Minar. In the evening, news broke out that six people had been martyred across the country. Amidst various uncertainties, we concluded our program at the VC Chattar with a procession. A crucial meeting was held that night. During this time, the government was repeatedly pressuring us for discussions. An online meeting ensued to discuss whether we should only demand quota reform or something more, in exchange for the six lives lost. Nahid bhai made a significant statement: "The government is responsible for the current situation, and the government must find a solution." We decided to issue a press release that would clearly state this line. After about an hour of discussion, we released the press release around 2 am.
That night, Asif bhai wrote in a Facebook post, "We are coming, you all come out, we are coming with 100 people." This post helped to evict Chhatra League from Rokeya Hall and other dorms and raised the confidence of students. At that time, we were discussing among ourselves whether we would be able to drive out the Chhatra League activists. I called Sadik Quayem bhai, the then-president of DU Shibir, and asked him to take the initiative so that this task could be done in an organized manner. He called me back after a while to provide updates. Through this coordination, we were able to evict Chhatra League that day.

What happened on the Dhaka University campus on July 17th?
Qader: On July 17th, our pre-announced programme included a Ghayebana Janaza (funeral prayer in absentia) and a coffin procession. It was my responsibility to arrange the coffins and shrouds. However, with all the chaos since morning, it wasn't possible to buy them. When I met Zayed, the then-student movement affairs secretary of Shibir, I asked him if he could arrange for someone to bring the coffins. Zayed assured me and gave me a brother's number, saying, "He will deliver them." About two hours later, that brother called me and said, "It's impossible to get the coffins inside the campus. Police are deployed at all entrances."
At that point, we decided to perform the Janaza with just the shrouds. I contacted him again and went to the pocket gate of Mujib Hall, but the gate was closed. From the other side, he threw the bag of shrouds over the gate. I took it and came to the VC (Vice-Chancellor's) area. But I couldn't accept it; a Janaza and procession felt incomplete without a coffin. He, of course, tried various ways to get the coffin in, even attempting to enter through different entrances with an ambulance.
I contacted that brother again and asked if he could come towards the Mukti O Gonotontro Toron gate in Nilkhet. This entrance was close to us, and we would try to bargain with the police to bring the coffin. He arrived at the arch with a coffin in an ambulance and called me. I couldn't find anyone I knew nearby. Who would I take with me? There was an atmosphere of fear and tension everywhere. Then I found Rifat Rashid. We needed more people. I stood at the VC area and shouted to everyone, calling them to come to the arch to retrieve the coffin. Someone standing nearby with a lock and chain in hand said, "Let's go." Then, one by one, 15-20 people gathered! We ignored the police obstruction from the other side of the arch, scuffled with them, and managed to retrieve the coffin. Those 15-20 individuals showed extraordinary courage that day, which enabled us to hold the day's program successfully. That brother from Shibir also worked hard and displayed extreme bravery in bringing rest of the coffins. Afterward, I got to know the person with the lock and chain in his hand. His name is Tamim. He's my batchmate and from the same hall. He's now involved in Chatra Dal politics.
After bringing in the coffins, we organized the Janaza. Following the Janaza, we proceeded with a procession towards Raju Sculpture. When the procession reached in front of the Institute of Modern Languages, police started firing sound grenades and tear gas from both the front and back. Since the main gate of the Arts Building was closed, many climbed over the wall to get inside. While climbing the wall, I tore a muscle in my thigh.

Injured, I ran towards Mall Chattar while the police were still firing rubber bullets. We set fires there. Afterward, I took shelter in the Surya Sen Hall cafeteria, where two Shibir activists helped me. They gave me a lungi and a gamcha and provided first aid. I could not stop the bleeding, so I called a friend to arrange for medical treatment.
During these events, Asif bhai contacted a responsible police officer, asked them to stop firing, and proposed negotiations. The negotiation proposal was made specifically to stop the shooting. Although the police initially refused the offer for discussion, they later agreed to negotiate through Nahid bhai's intervention. Afterward, a person took Asif bhai and me out of the campus on a motorcycle.

We observed that Dhaka University campus was closed from July 17th. Where were you located afterward, and how did you manage the movement? 

Qader: With the campus closed on July 17th and entry becoming impossible, protesters dispersed to various locations across Dhaka from July 18th. On this day, private university students also took to the streets. On July 18th, we stayed at Mashiur bhai's house until noon. Afterward, we left for Jatrabari and started the movement there. That evening, internet speed was slowed down, and by night, the entire network was shut down. Consequently, I lost contact with Asif bhai, Nahid bhai, and others.
July 19th, Friday, was a significant day. After the Juma prayers, worshipers came out of the mosque in a procession, and the police opened fire on them. Continuous protests continued in the Jatrabari Thana and Rayerbagh Thana areas. The area from Jatrabari to Signboard was under the control of the protesters. However, madrasha students and Shibir activists were also most active in this area. I remained there until evening.
In the afternoon, I was standing under the Kajla Flyover. People were dying all around, and I felt helpless. Around 3:30 PM, Forhad bhai, the then-general secretary of DU Shibir, called me, saying that no one could be found and asking what could be done. I replied that I couldn't find anyone either. He then suggested raising some demands.
After the demands were finalized, I needed a new SIM card because my phone was at risk of tracking. I called my student. He gave me a SIM, a power bank, and about 3000 Taka. I put the SIM into my uncle's feature phone and went to a secluded place in Rayerbagh.

Sitting there, I began sending the message containing the nine-point demands to journalists. Initially, the entire message couldn't be sent at once from the feature phone, so I had to send it in halves. Shibir also helped me in circulating this message. Journalists from various TV channels called me to verify the authenticity of the message. I told them that it was a message from me and stated the demands.
Around 11 pm that night, I contacted journalists from various international media outlets such as BBC, Reuters, Al Jazeera, and CNN. I sent them messages about the nine-point demands. Although eight demands were highlighted more that night, I informed everyone about the nine-point demands.
Sunday, July 21st. On this day, I took refuge at Shishir bhai's house, near a madrassa in Signboard. He was then in charge of Shibir's IT cell. Around 11 PM, I went to his house by rickshaw. There were checkpoints everywhere on the way, and plainclothes police were trying to gather information about the movement.
After praying and eating there, I discussed with Shishir bhai. The next morning, two individuals sent by Sadik bhai (one of whom was the president/secretary of the Narayanganj city branch) came to Shishir bhai's house. They took my smartphone and gave me a feature phone. My phone was taken on Shishir bhai's advice so that the SIM and battery could be kept separate. From this day onward, I communicated only using a feature phone.
It wasn't possible to stay at Shishir bhai's house for long because it was a family residence, and there was a risk of raids. My relatives also refused to give me shelter. Then, wearing a loose t-shirt and pants from Shishir bhai and a cap, I returned directly to my own home.
I would stay at home during the day and go out at night to communicate with journalists. From evening until 11 PM, I would go to Rayerbagh or Demra Road; Demra Road was relatively safer. I would talk to everyone there. Initially, others would send my messages to various news outlets, but later I had to send them myself. Journalists would call until 11 PM every night to verify my number. I would talk to them and confirm the message.

Staying at my own house also became impossible. Then, through Sadik bhai, I took shelter at someone's house in Rampura. I was probably there until the 22nd-24th. During this time, daily programs were decided through discussion. Once a program was finalized, I would confirm it. Then I had to leave from there too because every house was being raided, and the situation was tense.
After leaving Rampura, I took refuge with my maternal uncle's friend, who was an Imam at a mosque in Dhaka. On the evening of July 25th/26th, I went to the mosque with my uncle. However, that night, my uncle informed me that staying at the mosque was not safe because many people had seen me, and the mosque committee president was involved in Awami League politics, which could lead to him losing his job.
Around July 27th/28th, Sadik Quayem bhai gave me the phone number of a female journalist. I spoke with her over the phone, and she asked me to go to her friend's place in Khilkhet.
On the afternoon of July 28th, I took a CNG to Khilkhet. After praying at a mosque there, the female journalist’s friend took me to his house in Gulshan. This person worked at an embassy and was involved in BNP politics. I stayed at his house until the last day of the movement. This person and the female journalist primarily communicated with foreign media contacts from outside, through whom they obtained various information and assisted in determining the movement's strategy.
During the movement, discussions about the next day's program would take place every day from noon. Discussions were held with both Shibir and Chatra Dal. During this time, Abdul Hannan Masud and Mahin Sarkar primarily communicated with journalist Tasneem Khalil bhai and Shibir, Rifat Rashid communicated with the diplomatic section, and I would make initial contact with all student organizations to finalize the plans.
Around July 28th, a former president of the Dhaka University Journalists' Association called me and informed me that the president of Chatra Dal wanted to speak with me. Then, Rakib bhai (the President), Nasir bhai (the Secretary), and I connected online and spoke. The next day's program was discussed here, where a plan mentioning Chhatra Dal and Shibir in Mirpur was made.
As there hadn't been a field protest for a long time, we were thinking about organizing one. Then, with everyone's consent, a field program was announced. Rakib and Nasir bhai reassured us and said that they would be on the field.

What was your role or what responsibilities did you undertake during the events from August 1st to August 5th? 

Qader: By this time, all of us had come out into the open. August 1st was a Thursday. That day, Asif bhai texted me, saying that all our seniors were active and that I shouldn't announce any programs without consulting them.
However, I didn't read Asif bhai's message because I suspected they might be tracking me through his phone. Sadik Kayem bhai and I then discussed whether we should announce a major program. The female journalist also kept pressing me to announce a significant program because there was uncertainty about the movement's direction now that the seniors were out in the open.
Four of us discussed the one-point demand before Maghrib. I was ready to announce it because the situation was dire. Rifat and Masud initially agreed to announce the one-point demand, but later they stopped answering their phones. Around 11 PM, Rifat answered and said that Nahid bhai had advised against announcing it that night. Nahid bhai said that the one-point demand would be announced publicly to the media the next morning, not at night. A video for the one-point demand had been prepared but was not released that day because Nahid bhai had said it would be announced during the day on the 3rd.
On August 3rd, I woke up at 11 AM. Rifat informed me that he was in a car and they were heading towards Shaheed Minar. Later, putting an end to all speculation, the one-point demand was announced from Shaheed Minar.
However, during this period, with all the seniors coming into the open, we, the juniors, all stepped back.
The "Long March to Dhaka" was announced for August 5th. I didn't sleep at all on August 4th. I woke up around 7 AM. After checking the news around me, I learned that the army was positioned on all roads. Around 12:30 PM, I received news that fascist Hasina had fled. We all then headed towards Shahbagh. I called Asif bhai at Shahbagh, but couldn't reach him, so I went towards the Parliament House. Although I initially entered the Parliament House, I came out shortly after. I then stood at the gate of the Parliament House to ensure no one damaged state property. 

Amidst all this, that rickshaw puller uncle called me and said, "Mama, we've won!" Saying this, he broke down in tears, a moment that still resonates in our hearts.