By Esme Azom

DHAKA, July 10, 2025 (BSS) - Musaddiq Ali Ibne Mohammad, a student of the Bengali Department at Dhaka University (session 2021–22), emerged as a key figure in the anti-discrimination student movement that ultimately toppled Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina, ending her 16-year authoritarian rule.

As the student movement grew into a nationwide uprising, Musaddiq played a pivotal role, leading from the front with unwavering resolve. During the height of the unrest, a foreign embassy offered him shelter for his personal safety. However, he declined.

“I considered the safety of the country and the people before myself,” Musaddiq told BSS in an exclusive interview. “I decided to stay on the streets, not in the embassy.” Below is the full interview…

BSS: When the anti-quota movement officially began on June 5, 2024, what were your initial thoughts or feelings about it?
Musaddiq: On June 5, when students began taking to the streets demanding quota reform, I sensed that something significant was about to unfold. There had been previous movements against the quota system, but this time the context was different. After the government reinstated quotas through a Supreme Court verdict, a deep, simmering anger had built up among students. This movement was a direct expression of that anger.

Personally, I believed the quota system was discriminatory and a major obstacle for meritorious students. So, when students spontaneously took to the streets, I stood in solidarity with them. In the recent history of Dhaka University, such a large, spontaneous student gathering hadn't occurred since the 2018 quota movement. That’s when I realized—something big was coming.

BSS: How did you learn about the 2018 quota movement, and where were you at that time?
Musaddiq: In 2018, when the movement against the quota system was taking place, I was in class ten. At that time, I was also leading the Safe Roads Movement at my school. Later, I joined the quota reform protests as well. On August 4, 2018, while marching from Science Lab to Jigatola, the police fired tear gas at our procession, and members of the Chhatra League attacked us. The very next day, I took part in a procession organized by the Socialist Student Front at Dhaka University.
After that, I remained active in student protests, including the demonstrations against the murder of Abrar Fahad in 2019. I have always participated in movements that are logical, democratic, and rooted in justice.

BSS: What role did you play at the beginning of the movement, and what were those early days like?
Musaddiq: Honestly, this time we didn’t need to mobilize the movement through pressure or organizational force. The fascist structure had become so deeply entrenched that students united against it on their own. The Awami League government's aggression was directly targeting the entire student community. When students’ rights were violated so openly, there was no need for a specific call to unite—they understood that this was a collective struggle.
At that time, Dhaka University students couldn’t even sleep properly in their halls. The ruling party's student wing treated them like modern slaves—forcing them to join various programmes in any time and torturing them in guest rooms at night. 

Students silently endured this oppression. Their goal was simple: to complete their education peacefully and secure a respectable job—like the BCS or any government job—that would give them a stable life. For five or six years, they tolerated this 'hell' for the sake of that dream. But just when they were on the cusp of realizing it—during job preparation—the government struck at that very hope. There was no room left to back down. That’s when they finally rose up, together.

In the early days, we were just a handful of organizers—there was no formal committee. Everyone contributed spontaneously to planning the programs. Initially, we focused on organizing through online platforms—Facebook, X (formerly Twitter), and various messaging groups. No major programs had been declared yet, but small protests were already happening. We made sure the movement didn’t lose momentum.
Our main goal at that stage was to raise awareness among students and build public support for their rightful demands. With Eid-ul-Adha approaching, we organized a human chain on June 9 and issued an ultimatum for the government to respond by June 30.

Even during Eid, while at home, I continued campaigning online. The movement didn’t pause—we kept sharing short videos, informative posts, and rational arguments for our cause. Our aim was to re-energize students after the holiday. And that’s exactly what happened. 

BSS: What was your experience during the continuous programs held under the banner of the Anti-Discrimination Student Movement from July 1 to 15?
Musaddiq: From the beginning of July until the 15th, I worked every day from 10 a.m. until evening to ensure the proper implementation of the announced programs. In the evenings, I would return home and continue the movement’s online campaign. Every morning, I went to campus and visited the dormitories to personally encourage students to join our programs. Sometimes I used a microphone; other times, I went into the reading rooms to speak directly with students. Because of these efforts, I received several threats from Chhatra League.

The first 10 to 12 days of the movement were relatively calm, although threats and intimidation from Chhatra League were a regular occurrence. On July 3 or 4, while we were doing public outreach in the halls and reading rooms, Chhatra League members were monitoring us—and in some instances, even attacking us. 

Despite such challenges, the movement continued peacefully in the beginning. However, things began to escalate on July 12. That day, the first major attack occurred at Cumilla University, where around nine students had to be admitted to the ICU. On the same day, Chhatra League tried to assert control at Madhur Canteen and attempted to launch a counter-procession from the Central Library. Because of waterlogging in front of the Arts Building, our procession had to pass by Madhur Canteen, creating a tense, confrontational moment. Heated slogans were exchanged between both groups, but senior students intervened to de-escalate the situation.
Later, as the procession moved towards Shahbagh, police had set up a barricade. Breaking that barricade was essential for the movement to proceed. Several students were injured in clashes with the police during that confrontation.

On the morning of July 14, we peacefully submitted a memorandum to the President. There were several instances where we were close to being attacked while crossing police barricades, but the police held back until the last moment. That night, in response to a statement made by the then Prime Minister, students spontaneously took to the streets chanting, "Who are you? Who am I? Razakar, Razakar!"

At that time, I was at home in Mohammadpur, monitoring Chhatra League’s movements and relaying information to our activists. 
 
BSS: What happened on July 15 at the Dhaka University campus?
Musaddiq: On the night of July 14, most students stayed up watching the Copa America final and slept late, so our July 15 rally was scheduled for 12 p.m. Meanwhile, Chhatra League announced a counter-program at 3 pm. That morning, Mahin Sarkar, a few others, and I went around the halls on rickshaws, calling students to join our rally at the Raju Sculpture. 

While we were making announcements, Chhatra League activists at Jasimuddin and Mujib halls took our photos and threatened us. At Zahurul Haque Hall, glass bottles were thrown from the second floor, forcing us to retreat.

Around noon, we heard that students were being confined in the Hall Sangsad room of Bijoy Ekattor Hall. A group of 50–60 of us—including Abu Bakar Majumder, Abdullah Saleh Oyon, and myself—entered the area with a microphone, chanting slogans. At Mujib and Zia halls, students broke through Chhatra League’s blockades and joined us when we called out, “Those who are trapped, come with us.”

When we reached Bijoy Ekattor Hall, heavy objects like bricks and flower pots were thrown at us from upper floors. One student was injured in the hand, another in the head. I was leading chants through the microphone when bricks were hurled directly at me. One missed me by inches.

Though some Chhatra League attackers were caught by students, many were regrouping with sticks and rods for their 3 pm. program. They knew we visited halls daily and were waiting to ambush us. Armed with knives, rods, and cleavers, they launched the first physical assault from Bijoy Ekattor Hall. Shanto, the Chhatra League sports secretary, was near Jasim Uddin Hall pond giving instructions with a hockey stick in hand.

Caught off guard, we initially retreated but returned. I kept urging students: “They’re just a handful of terrorists. More of us are coming. Go catch them!” For a while, we pushed them back. But soon they regrouped and fully organized. Lacking any weapons, we had to fall back. Many of our fellow students were bleeding.

We took shelter near Mall Chattar, but soon another group from Madhur Canteen attacked with sticks and clubs. We ran to the VC’s Chattar and knocked on the VC’s residence door, pleading for help: “We’re bleeding—what is the university administration doing?” Just then, armed Chhatra League members from the city attacked from Madhur Canteen with guns, rifles, and sharp weapons. Most students were still asleep in the halls, so we were heavily outnumbered. 

Under attack, we fled to the Shaheed Minar. A Dhaka College student was injured in the hand. I took him to Dhaka Medical College. There, I saw bleeding students arriving one after another. Initially, no treatment was being provided. Dhaka Medical students participating in our movement, provided the injured initial first aid. I went to the admin building and pressured the hospital director to deploy more doctors. As a result, more students received care—many had head injuries from cleavers or were unconscious from brick attacks.

While I was inside, Chhatra League surrounded the emergency gate. Some of my companions left, but I stayed. They soon attacked inside the hospital. We were chased and took refuge in the emergency ward. Ansar personnel tried to stop them but were overwhelmed.

Between 3 and 3:30 p.m., there were 10–15 separate attacks inside the hospital. I was trapped until about 10 pm. They entered the CT scan room and attacked a student on the head. They stormed room 215, where first aid was being given, and beat more injured students. They began checking rooms, saying they'd hand us over to police. The Mohsin Hall unit seemed to be controlling the emergency gate.

Eventually, I disguised myself with medical kits, put on a mask, and escaped through the back gate with doctors. At 10 p.m., I left with two juniors and a friend. His mother had brought an ambulance but couldn’t get it through. So, disguised as patients, we exited in a CNG through the back gate of Dhaka Medical.

BSS: Through the media, we saw various incidents on July 16 and 17 at Dhaka University, including the expulsion of Chhatra League. What was your experience on these two days?
Musaddiq: After returning home on July 15, I turned my phone back on and responded to messages. Initial plans were made for a rally at Shahbag, coordinating with students from nearby institutions like Eden college, Badrunnesa, Dhaka College, Titumir, Jagannath, and Bangla College.

However, by July 15 night, three science halls—Shahidullah, Amar Ekushey, and Fazlul Haque Muslim—were freed from Chhatra League control. So, the rally location was shifted to Shaheed Minar, which was closer and tactically safer, as we assumed Chhatra League would position themselves near TSC and Madhur Canteen.

On July 16 around 11 am, I joined students gathering at Shaheed Minar. This time, for self-defense, I and a few others bought several hundred 4-foot GI pipes from Azimpur and Lalbagh. Another person brought wooden stumps. Students from the three science halls joined us, and processions started arriving.
 
We took positions at strategic points: Russell Tower, Chankharpool, and Bakhshibazar area. That day, police didn’t open fire, but Haji Selim’s men did at Chankharpool—several were shot, including my friend Abdullah Saleheen Oyon and my younger brother Ratul.

After the rally, a procession of 10–12 thousand students formed. Shibir, Chhatra Dal, and others also participated, mostly armed with sticks. As news of six student deaths (including Abu Sayed) spread that evening, emotions ran high. Students felt if they didn’t reclaim the halls now, they’d never be able to return, due to Chhatra League’s threats of torture.

However, leadership hesitated to act, which led to frustration and accusations of collusion. Though a move toward campus through Doel Chattar was attempted, police barricaded the VC residence with layers of law enforcement agencies including police and RAB. Eventually, students dispersed.

That night, attacks occurred across the city—returning protesters were stopped, beaten, and had their phones stolen. In honor of the martyrs, we decided to hold a Gaibana Janaza on July 17 at 2 pm at Raju Sculpture.

Despite the threats, students began retaking the halls on their own. By midnight, Fazilatunnesa Mujib and Kuwait Maitree Halls were freed. Soon after, Sufia Kamal and Rokeya Halls followed. At Rokeya hall, Chhatra League president Atika and others were kicked out from hall by general students. By morning, halls like Mohsin, Zahurul Haque, Ziaur Rahman, and later Mujib, Jasim Uddin, Surya Sen, and Bijoy Ekattor were all reclaimed.

I was in Zia Hall on July 17 morning. A meeting was held, and we moved through halls encouraging students to stay.

As students gathered at Raju Sculpture for the Janaza around 1 pm, police threw sound grenades and arrested Akhtar Hossain. Soon, processions from science halls and student unions arrived, chanting slogans like “VC protects terrorists,” and “No campus closure.”

We heard the Syndicate would decide to shut the university, so we announced a siege of the Senate Building. The administration quickly regrouped, and security forces surrounded the VC residence. We demanded entry within five minutes or we would break in. Police and RAB formed a tight cordon, preventing access.

Since Janaza at Raju wasn’t possible, I suggested holding it in the halls, but low student presence made it unviable. We decided to proceed at VC Chattar. Leaders from Chhatra Union, Chhatra Dal, and others joined. Zahedul Haque, linked to Shibir, suggested bringing coffins. He and 30–40 others broke the police barricade and brought in six coffins, intensifying the emotional atmosphere.

The Janaza was held. As the coffin procession passed Gurudwara area, police attacked from both Raju and VC Chattar with tear gas and sound grenades. We scattered. Some escaped through Mukti O Gonotontro Toron; others fled via Madhur Canteen after climbing the library wall.

Tear gas filled the air; it was hard to breathe or stand. We tried regrouping at Mall Chattar, but another round of sound grenades forced us back into the halls.

Chhatra League, now ousted from campus, regrouped at Shahbag. Meanwhile, government agencies spread panic—rumors of a “massacre” after dark, lights turned off, and threats of genocide at DU. Fear gripped families, and many students fled the halls. I wanted to stay no matter what—but with growing pressure, that too became impossible.
 
BSS: From the night of July 18, the network was shut down across the country. How did you participate in the movement then?
Musaddiq: Around 8-9pm on July 18, the nationwide network was shut down, which greatly impacted our communication system. If the network had been shut down earlier, perhaps we could have made alternative preparations or announced to gather at specific locations. But that was not possible. At this time, I tried to unite everyone by sending SMS.

On July 19, I participated in the programme from Science Lab to Bata Signal. During the time, I faced police attacks several times. Then I directly saw how the police fired from close range, and I miraculously survived there. During this time, despite the lack of network, students united incredibly. Young people from neighborhoods spontaneously organized and took to the streets. Later, we tried to come from Science Lab to Shahbag, but helicopters again started attacking from Bata Signal. Then we moved towards Bangla Motor. On July 19, 20, 21, and 22, the movement went into a kind of darkness because there was no network, and it was difficult to communicate with anyone.

During this time, I contacted some mobile journalists and movement coordinators. Then I continued working to promote the nine-point demand from my position. I continued this work from July 22 to 25, coordinating with Abdul Kader. On the 24th, Abdul Hannan Masud and Mahin Sarkar were found. Later, I took them to hospitals to see the injured.

BSS: You were arrested on July 29. Could you tell in detail what happened between July 25 and your day of arrest?
Musaddiq: After July 25, I was offered shelter by an embassy. But I declined. I believed that accepting shelter at that moment might hinder the momentum of our movement. I was unsure whether such a decision would have any lasting or positive impact on the long-term struggle.

Earlier, on July 24, when Wi-Fi became accessible again (although mobile networks were still down), I met Huma Khan, the UN Human Rights Advisor in Bangladesh. The meeting took place at her residence on Road 11 in Gulshan and was arranged at her initiative. I briefed her about the mass violence and murder unfolding in the country and urged the UN to exert pressure on the Awami League government.

On July 29, a protest march had been scheduled. Before that, we had observed a 24-hour ultimatum on the 27th and organized a wall-writing campaign on the 28th. But by then, most of our key coordinators had either gone into hiding or had already been picked up by the Detective Branch. It became difficult to organize publicly.

I took on the responsibility of identifying potential protest spots. I coordinated with various groups and marked locations like the Science Club (near Science Lab, Dhanmondi side) and Paltan. On the night of July 28, we finalized that the march would take place in front of the Press Club at 12pm on the July 29.

Given that no marches had taken place for quite a while and that fear gripped the student community, this was a bold step. We gathered near the Press Club around noon. But the police already had intelligence information about it. Around 150–200 officers had taken up position at the main entrance (Gate No. 1). At about 12:20 PM, another unit blocked the High Court intersection, cutting off any access. They also set up another barricade at Paltan More.

That morning, there was also a protest by the Teachers’ Network at Shahbagh, where they demanded justice for the students who had been killed. The teachers later moved toward Bangla Motor. I approached them and explained that students would soon take to the streets, requesting their presence to help shield us from possible police aggression.

At around 12:45pm, it was decided that the procession would begin from Paltan More. A good number of people gathered there. When four or five of us blocked the road and began chanting slogans, no one else initially joined us due to the curfew and the heavy police presence. Still, we kept chanting. Within about four minutes, 20 to 22 people gathered around us. My hope was that if we could continue for another few minutes, and gather around 30 to 50 people, the march could gain real momentum.

Suddenly, a team of 20 officers started approaching. I assumed they might just want to talk. Among them was Ramna ADC Imrul, who had been in regular communication with me throughout the movement. He said, “Come, let’s talk.” But it was a pretext. He detained me and a friend right there. Two others, who were with us tried to flee, but were quickly chased down and caught.

We were all taken inside the Press Club, and shortly afterward, a prison van arrived. The police loaded us into it and began interrogating us inside.

Thankfully, before the arrest, I had wiped all sensitive information from my phone. The police found nothing. I had also instructed the three others on exactly what to say if they were detained. They followed my guidance, and the police seemed to accept their version of events.

We were then transferred to DB (Detective Branch) custody, where we were held for a day. In DB custody, the younger detainees—some just 14 or 15 years old—were subjected to the severe harsh treatment. The officers were trying to get confessions related to murder cases. We were threatened with beatings, torture, and severe mental pressure. But due to mounting pressure from various quarters, many were released by that night.

During this time, a video of my arrest began circulating among activists. In it, I could be seen shouting from the prison van: “The movement will continue!” That video resonated widely and created both domestic and international pressure.

My arrest was quickly reported to my university administration and human rights organizations. That, too, contributed to the pressure for our release.

In the DB cell where I was kept, I found myself alongside several high-profile political detainees. Among them were Jamaat leader Mia Golam Parwar, BNP leaders Samiul Haque Faruqui, Shahid Uddin Chowdhury Anny, Salahuddin Tuku, Amanullah Aman, and Aminul Islam. There were also some members of Chhatra Dal and Shibir. The Shibir activists, in particular, were being severely beaten to extract confessions. One leader, Mashrur Hasan, was repeatedly taken out, beaten, and brought back.

The Chhatra Dal detainees who had been caught a few days earlier had already gone through their torture phase and were kept in remand. I shared a cell with Arif, Sohel, and Asif Mahtab. In the adjacent cell were Nurul Haque Nur, Andalib Rahman Partho, and Advocate Ruhul Kovid Rizvi, although I did not directly speak with them.

BSS: What did you do after being released from DB custody?
Musaddiq: On July 30, after returning to my residence in Mohammadpur, it became clear that I was still at risk of being rearrested. I spoke with my family and explained that staying at home would only put me—and them—at greater risk. The next day, on July 31, I left the house and took shelter at the home of an elder brother-like friend from Jagannath University, located in Bangla Motor.

My primary focus was to continue the movement. At that time, there was no visible public figure to carry the torch forward, and I felt the momentum might be lost unless someone stepped up. So I chose to act.

That night—August 2, on Friday—I began considering the possibility of mobilizing people through mosques following the Jummah prayer. Fridays attract large crowds, and public anger toward the government was mounting. I believed that if people were called upon to join, many would respond.

I discussed the plan with Sadiq Kaiyum, who was then the president of the Dhaka University unit of Shibir, and with a few leaders from Jamaat. We identified four key mosques in Dhaka: one near Science Lab, another in Khilgaon, one in Jatrabari, and another in Rampura. The idea was to organize simultaneous “People’s Mourning and Mass Processions” emerging from these mosques after Friday prayers.

On August 2, the procession from the Science Lab mosque turned out to be massive. I joined the demonstration myself. It was one of the largest protest marches seen in Dhaka during the movement. Similar processions emerged from the other mosques, and reports came in of rallies breaking out across the country. These coordinated protests infused the movement with renewed energy and nationwide momentum.

BSS: How did the announcement of the “one-point demand” come about?
Musaddiq: On August 1 and 2, police opened fire on protesters in Khulna and Comilla, killing several individuals. Up until that point, our movement had been anchored around nine key demands. But after those tragic incidents, it became clear that our struggle had reached a critical juncture. The time for multiple demands was over. The movement needed to fuse around a single, non-negotiable goal.

We began discussing how to announce this shift. Some proposed making the declaration online, while others argued for a physical announcement at Shaheed Minar to give it symbolic weight.

We were worried that Sheikh Hasina might strategically accept the existing nine demands—perhaps offering apologies or removing a few ministers—to defuse the movement and retain power. If we didn’t act quickly, our demands could be fulfilled in part, and the protest could lose its moral and political urgency. That risk pushed many of us to advocate for the immediate announcement of a single demand: her resignation.

Some pressed for the one-point demand to be declared on the night of August 2. But after lengthy discussions, it was decided that the announcement would come from the rally scheduled at Shaheed Minar on August 3.

That afternoon, the rally began at 3 pm. Rickshaw pullers showed remarkable solidarity—many transported people to the venue free of charge. As a result, a large and diverse crowd gathered.

Initially, we only had a hand microphone. Rental companies had refused to provide professional sound systems, likely due to external pressure. Later, my roommate from Zia Hall, Miftahul Maruf, managed to arrange a large microphone. Though the sound quality was poor, it served the purpose.

There was still uncertainty about whether the one-point demand would actually be announced. The individuals expected to make the declaration were hesitant. But under intense pressure from students and the crowd, the one-point demand was finally proclaimed—around 4 or 4:30 PM. That moment marked a turning point and gave the movement a sharpened, unified focus.

BSS: What were the events of August 4 and 5 like?
Musaddiq: On August 4, we called for a sit-in programme at Shahbag at 10am. The strategy behind this timing was rooted in a key slogan of the movement: “Whoever controls Shahbag, controls the movement.” We had information that the Chhatra League planned to occupy Shahbag by 12pm, so we intentionally scheduled our programme for earlier in the morning. As a result, students began arriving between 8 and 9am to secure the space.

The leadership of Chhatra League—including its President and General Secretary—had taken up positions inside the cabins and residential hotel at PG Hospital. From there, they launched attacks on the students. They were also stockpiled with sticks and local arms at the office of Ward No. 22 Councilor Asad under Shahbag Thana, using it as another base to try to push us out of Shahbag.

By that time, however, Chhatra League's morale had collapsed. Their efforts to regroup had failed across the country. Most of those who once sided with them had distanced themselves. The organization had effectively become leaderless and fragmented. Even their allies—Jubo League and Awami League—had splintered and weakened.

They attempted another attack from within the Bangladesh Medical University (then BSMMU). But we were prepared—we countered and repelled their assault from inside the campus. Eventually, we managed to drive them out of Shahbag. Although they fired shots at us, they couldn’t hold their ground. In retreat, they set fire to a car and a microbus inside the Medical University and fled. We recovered large quantities of sticks and local arms from Councilor Asad’s office afterward.

At that moment, there was no designated coordinator for Shahbag. My close friend AB Zubayer, Khalid, a few others, and I, alongside student activists, took control of the area. We had a microphone and began chanting slogans to rally everyone. The situation shifted decisively when a massive procession—several thousand strong—from Islami Andolan Bangladesh (Chormonai) arrived at Shahbag from the Press Club side. Their presence further consolidated our control.

Although a two-day program had originally been announced on August 4, it was later decided—through online coordination—that the ‘March to Dhaka’ would take place on the 5th, one day earlier than planned. The announcement was made publicly by Nahid Islam, standing on a rickshaw, with me standing just behind him.

We had reason to fear that if the movement continued for two more days, the government might deploy the army in full force and shut down the internet once again.

We believed that if given one or two more days, Sheikh Hasina’s forces could regroup and reoccupy Ganabhaban. By then, her grip over Dhaka had weakened significantly, and after August 3, the police had become largely ineffective. That is why, we moved forward the “March to Dhaka” programme on August 5.

On the morning of August 5, we could not immediately take to the streets—the roads were completely taken over by the military and law enforcers. When students tried to enter Shaheed Minar from the Chankharpool side, police opened brushfire. Four to five students and civilians were martyred on the spot.

At that moment, I was near Bangladesh Medical University. Our plan was to gather at Shahbag, while another group was to rally at Shaheed Minar and then march to join us. But until 10 or 11am, we couldn’t get into Shahbag due to the heavy military presence. I remained positioned behind the hospital where other activists had assembled.

Finally, around noon, we managed to break through and enter Shahbag with the full group. The barricades had already been broken several times earlier in the day, but the presence of the army had prevented us from fully capitalizing on it. By 1:30pm, however, Shahbag was entirely under our control.

Then, we received the news that fascist Sheikh Hasina had already fled to India.

When I heard that, I was overwhelmed with joy. I felt like a bird flying in the open sky…it was then I tasted true freedom for the first time. In that moment, I thought to myself: “From today, I will never have to live under oppression again. From today, I am free—and my Bangladesh is free once more.”