By Tausiful Islam

DHAKA, July 3, 2025 (BSS) - It is about to be one year since the historic student–people uprising of 2024. In that July uprising, hundreds of people from various professions and walks of life were martyred. Curfews, internet blackouts, mass arrests-- none of it could prevent the fall of the tyrannical Sheikh Hasina. Failing to suppress the movement, she ultimately fled the country on August 5, 2024.

This anti-government mass movement was led through multiple layers. Even after the detention of the front-line coordinators, the momentum of the movement did not stop. It was the organizers from the second and third tiers, who played a crucial role in policy-making, coordination and message delivery. Among those who were at the forefront of policy decisions was Ali Ahsan Zonaed, who is currently the Convener of ‘United People’s Bangladesh (UP Bangladesh).’

Ali Ahsan Zonaed was born in Narayanganj to father A.M.M. Musa and mother Taslima Akter.

On the day Sheikh Hasina fled the country (August 5), he spent the entire night together with many key figures in discussion: current interim government Advisers Mahfuz Alam, Asif Mahmud, Nahid Islam (Convener of the National Citizens’ Party-NCP) and former Dhaka University President of Bangladesh Islami Chhatra Shibir Sadik Kayem, among others. 

On that very night, a preliminary framework for interim state governance was drafted.

Recently, Ali Ahsan Zonaed sat down for an exclusive conversation with Bangladesh Sangbad Sangstha (BSS) to discuss about the background of the movement, the leadership dynamics, future political vision, and his personal experiences. Here is his full interview:

BSS: It is almost been a year since the July 2024 mass uprising. You were on the front lines of that movement. Every moment of July is memorable, but among them, which specific incident stands out the most for you?

Ali Ahsan Zonaed: Many moments come to mind—scenes that probably live in everyone’s memory now. The rally on July 14 on Dhaka University campus was a turning point. Then came July 15: the bloodied faces of our sisters—how could we not be outraged? On the 16th, thousands gathered at the Central Shaheed Minar, grieving and furious. The martyrdom of Abu Sayeed in Rangpur that day shook us to the core. I was on the ground every day, but personally, two days stand out most. One of them is July 19. Despite the curfew announced that day, I left my house about an hour after Fajr prayer. I went to Chittagong Road in Jatrabari area. I thought it might be empty, but it wasn’t. People were already on the streets—crowds of them. No one was obeying the curfew. The slogans rang out from every corner. The courage people showed that day... it was beyond anything I’ve seen. Then violence erupted. Sound grenades were thrown from helicopters—and people shouted. That’s how fearless they were. In the afternoon, the shooting began again. Direct gunfire from helicopters, from RAB and police vehicles was seen from three directions. I saw it in my own eyes, 30 people gunned down on the spot there. Near Maa Hospital, two people were the first to fall—gunned down by the police. The crowd, became furious, set the police office in that area on fire. Then the helicopter came, hovering above and started firing non-stop and trying to rescue the officers. From the front, police and RAB continued shooting. It was a massacre. People didn’t know where to run. I eventually took shelter in the house of a schoolteacher nearby. Not long after, Chhatra League and police started going door to door, searching for protesters. No building dared to open its doors. But the strangest, most powerful moment came later. After three hours of nonstop gunfire, people started coming back out into the streets. Again, as if nothing happened—no bullets or blood—could stop them anymore.

BSS: Which day do you think was the turning point of the movement?

Ali Ahsan Zonaed: The biggest turning point for the movement was the success of the ‘March for Justice’ program. Before this program, things had reached a kind of standstill. But globally, the movement had already spread-- symbolized through turning Facebook profile pictures red. Except for a few miscreants, almost everyone had changed their profile pictures to red. That created a sense of unity among people both in the country and abroad. Then came the historic single-point demand on August 3. Along with the one-point demand non-cooperation movement started. At that time discussion with the coordinators was going on for each program. I was regularly engaged taking to Shadik Kayem about the movement. I was also in communication with S.M. Farhad and Mahfuz Alam. They, in turn, were talking to Nahid Islam and Asif Mahmud. We were having our own conversations too. These discussions happened almost every night. And every morning, we were out on the streets. Finally, on August 4, when the program for August 6 was announced, I called them and said, “What are you doing? You are going to get everyone killed. There is no scope for scheduling the program that late.”

That day, I called Shadik Kayem, Sharfuddin Bhai, and Asif Mahmud. They said there would be a workers’ and women’s rally on the 5th. I said, what does that even mean? Who told you to announce such a program? Because right now, everyone is united -- workers separate, women separate -- who gave you that idea? I expressed my anger and frustration. Later that night, the announcement came that the program was being moved up by a day. That time was extremely crucial. I was calling constantly. I scolded everyone quite a bit. Earlier, on the night of the 3rd, we had long discussions about a national government. That day, we were drafting a framework for the national government. Asif posted something on Facebook about it. He wrote that the students are the “main” force. I told him -- don’t use the word “main” or “only.” You have to say “among the most important,” because people from all classes and professions were involved in this movement. That led to an all-night debate. I had a lot of conversations with Mahfuz Alam. My core communication was especially with Mahfuz. And I was in regular contact with Shadik Kayem and Farhad. Toward the end, I communicated more with Asif. I also had some contact with Hasnat Abdullah. But Shadik was working as the central figure. When it came to national government and other technical issues, I’d go into in-depth discussions with Mahfuz. On the morning of August 4, I went out. The night before, I had spoken with everyone I knew -- asking them to come out. Every road had Facebook and Telegram groups. They were being regularly updated. That morning it was drizzling lightly. There were about 7-8 of us. We went out walking. After walking for about two hours, we saw no one. We were walking from Chittagong Road toward Jatrabari. We had to take detours. We couldn’t use the main road. The idea was to gather people from wherever we found them and bring them onto the main road. I was calling everyone. Around 11:00 am, near Saddam Market, we saw about 400 girls and nearly a thousand boys. They were students of Shamsul Haque Khan School and College. Those who had been contacted the night before were the ones showing up.

By 11:30am, Rayarbagh, ShanirAkhra were thronged with hundreds of thousands of people. Within half an hour, everyone had come out. What I saw then -- was astonishing. One row of people was marching forward. Near the flyover, gunfire was ongoing. Those who were shot were coming back, and another row was going forward. Hit, coming back, then another row went ahead. No one was stepping back. It was incredible! A large number of people was hit on the head, were being admitted to Anabil Hospital near the Kajla foot-over bridge. All sustained sniper shots. Because we saw people getting shot right in the middle. Sniper fire was coming from the buildings. Several girls were shot in the head. Everyone was crying, but no one was backing off. People kept advancing. It was a surreal scene. You won’t believe it unless you saw it. On August 5, when we were hearing that the Army Chief would deliver a speech, I was saying on a hand mic, “No one leave. Nothing has happened yet. And martial law cannot be accepted.” Everyone started doing “sujood” (prostration) then.

Later, around 3:00 pm, when the announcement came that Sheikh Hasina had fled, everyone was overjoyed. But in Jatrabari, gunfire continued until 6:00 pm in the evening. Even after Hasina fled, the shooting didn’t stop. This happened in many places.

BSS: What do you think would have happened if the August 6 program hadn’t been brought forward to the 5th?

Ali Ahsan Zonaed: If it had taken place on August 6, the movement would’ve faced a massive backlash. Because after the 3rd, the movement had reached its peak. And on the 4th, the level of public turnout and their determination was such that they were resolved to besiege Ganabhaban and ensure Hasina’s fall by any means necessary. The more delay there was, the more momentum we would’ve lost. All the leadership of the movement had already been traced. On August 2, the former central President of Shibir Hafiz Rashedul Islam Bhai was shown our files and interrogated-- asking if he knew us. He was tortured. So if the movement had been delayed, our lives would’ve been at serious risk. That’s why bringing the August 6 program forward disrupted Sheikh Hasina’s ability to execute her plans. She couldn’t cope.

BSS: At what point during the movement did you feel certain that Sheikh Hasina’s fall was inevitable?

Ali Ahsan Zonaed: On July 14, after Sheikh Hasina’s speech, when the students started chanting, “Ami ke…tumi ke? Razakar…Razakar”—that’s when. When they broke down that terminology barrier, I knew it couldn’t be suppressed anymore. That slogan echoed through every street. The next day, a new one was added: “Ke boleche…ke boleche? Swairachar…Swairachar” (Who said it, who said it? Autocrat…Autocrat). And then, on the night of July 16, when Chhatra League was ousted from the campuses -- that’s when I was fully convinced. Not just from Dhaka University -- Chhatra League was driven out of every university. In every residential hall, provosts were made to sign statements banning student politics. To expel Chhatra League from the campuses while Awami League was still in power -- that was a massive event. That’s when I was pretty much certain: this movement can’t be stopped anymore. Although, I’ll admit I felt some despair during the internet blackout phase. After the 19th of July, the movement quieted down a bit. The next day I came out and saw -- only a few hundred people on the streets. But no one was leading. Everyone was just waiting -- waiting for someone to take charge. I kept walking down the streets. As I walked, I saw people standing around, silently waiting for someone to give the call. 

BSS: You mentioned that Facebook played a crucial role. But during the internet blackout, how did you mobilize the movement? How did you stay connected with everyone?

Ali Ahsan Zonaed: We used a messaging app -- which at that time could be used even offline. A few of us were using it. And we talked a lot offline. I personally connected with people at many key spots in Dhaka. I was giving updates -- what was happening, what wasn’t. During that time, RAB fired from helicopters. People from one spot would call others at different locations to inform them -- “The helicopter is now heading your way.” A massive network had formed. But within the core leadership, that messaging app was primarily used. 

BSS: This mass uprising initially began with the demand for quota reform in government jobs. Later, it took a much larger form. Were you involved from the very beginning, or did you join after it turned into an anti-government movement?

Ali Ahsan Zonaed: The movement started on June 5. That day, the Secretary of the Dhaka University unit of Chhatra Shibir Farhad, called me. He wanted to know what we should do -- how we could get involved in this movement. So the discussions actually began from that point. And I became deeply connected from the Bangla Blockade program. I went to every street, rode around on my bike and observed everything. I was involved in formulating the programs. I was on the ground from July 15 onward -- every single day, I was out on the streets.

BSS: The movement had a common banner -- Anti-Discrimination Student Movement. Was it because of this shared banner that Shibir did not join under its party identity or was there another reason?

Ali Ahsan Zonaed: Firstly, everyone united under the banner of the Anti-Discrimination Student Movement. At that time, fragmenting that banner would have been extremely dangerous. It would have destroyed the universal appeal of the movement. We saw that even the leaders of the Ganatantrik Chhatra Shakti didn’t use their party banners. All student organizations, including Chhatra Dal, joined under this common banner. No one used their party’s name -- so that the government couldn’t manipulate or sideline the movement in any particular direction although they tried. On July 17, Hasina even claimed this was a conspiracy by Shibir, BNP and Jamaat. To maintain the movement’s universal character and build a common pulse among the people, it was important not to partition it. That’s why Shibir joining in name would not have been good for the movement.

BSS: After the residential halls of Dhaka University were vacated on July 17, the movement became heavily centered around private universities. Madrasa students also joined in it. How do you see such a movement-averse group becoming fully involved in the uprising?

Ali Ahsan Zonaed: This was a historic event. When the halls were vacated on July 17, everyone wondered -- what would happen to the movement now? But the very next day, on July 18, students from BRAC University came out. They couldn’t accept the brutal shooting on students and ordinary people. They rose up in protest. It was a huge moment -- one that changed the direction of the movement. On July 19 alone, 31 students from private universities were martyred. In some spots, like Uttara and Jatrabari, madrasa students were present in large numbers. Many of the names in the lists of the injured and the martyred were madrasa students. On August 2, 3 and 5, students from Qawmi madrasas participated in vast numbers. The joint participation of private university students and madrasa students drove the movement toward a sense of national unity.

BSS: During the movement, the police arrested people en-masse. Many were martyred by police gunfire. Despite these life-threatening risks, how did your family take it when you stayed out on the streets?

Ali Ahsan Zonaed: I had one advantage. At home, there was my father and three brothers. All four of us went out every day. Maybe there was some difference in the spots we covered. Sometimes I came to Dhaka and joined the programs at Shahid Minar. My mother and wife were very supportive as well. Of course, there was fear. We had to stay alert, keep moving, because police and Chhatra League were raiding houses. Despite all that, my family was mostly supportive.

BSS: In July, there was a unity formed among all classes, professions, and parties. Does that unity still exist today?

Ali Ahsan Zonaed: I don’t think there is no unity. The unity that existed in July to drive out fascism couldn’t be translated into reforms across various sectors of the state. The unity still exists, but there are many issues regarding the implementation process. Everyone wants treatment and rehabilitation for the martyrs and the injured. Everyone wants the July manifesto. Everyone wants justice. But various political calculations have crept into these matters. Because of these political calculations, the greater achievements are weakening today. The unity that rose above personal and party interests in July could not later rise to national interests. There are a few areas where consensus must be reached -- national interest, citizens’ rights and just reforms. Agreement is needed on these three questions.

BSS: How did you feel when you heard the news of Sheikh Hasina fleeing on the 5th? What did you do that day?

Ali Ahsan Zonaed: I was at Jatrabari then. From there, I left and went to the Dhaka University Journalists’ Association office. I talked to many people there. Then I went to the central mosque, where Rafe Salman Rifat, Shadik Kayem, and a few others were together. They later went to the office of Shafiqul Alam Bhai, the current press secretary, while I went directly to Channel 24’s office. Sharfuddin Bhai and Atik Bhai were with me. We met with all of them and discussed the matter of holding a press conference. After the press conference, we discussed where they would stay. At that time, Asif Nazrul Sir came down to Channel 24 office. Asif, Mahfuz, Nahid, and others went to meet him. Later communication was lost for a while, but then I received a call about where they would stay. I then asked them to come to the house of an elder brother of ours in Dhanmondi. Nahid, Asif, Tuhin Khan, Nasiruddin Patwari and Abu Bakr Majumder came there. Mahfuz came later at night. Various discussions took place throughout the night. We spoke with senior citizens and also got in touch with Tarique Rahman. We discussed what to do with Shafiqur Rahman and Mahmudur Rahman. Advice came from different quarters that such a vacuum could not be maintained because the whole state was falling into chaos. We decided to announce Professor Muhammad Yunus as the head and issue a declaration. That night, Shadik Kayem communicated with Lamia Morshed, who gave a positive response. Around 3:00 to 3:30am, Nahid spoke with Professor Yunus and confirmed the matter. We wrote a script and then, in a video message where Nahid, Asif, and Baker were present, Nahid announced that Professor Yunus would be the head of the state. This calmed the tension somewhat. The next morning, on August 6, from that same house, another video message was issued saying the parliament must be dissolved. Discussions were ongoing about the formation of the state and government, talking with advisors and leaders of parties. Following advice from senior citizens, we prepared a list, which later, after consultations with Professor Yunus and others, was modified and finalized.

BSS: People involved in the uprising are feeling some relief. Everyone is dreaming a common dream. Do you think the aspirations of July will last?

Ali Ahsan Zonaed: The main leading force in July was the young generation -- they essentially carried the movement forward. The seniors were also involved, but it’s the mentality and perspective of this younger generation that have changed. Because of their aspirations and dreams, I believe the spirit of July will endure. The interim government’s performance over the past year has been disappointing, so some of July’s fervor has dimmed. Still, seeing the active participation of the youth gives me hope that the ideas and spirit of this movement will remain permanent.

BSS: What is the lesson of July?

Ali Ahsan Zonaed: July teaches us that if the masses truly want, they can completely uproot a monstrous system. No one imagined that such a one-party fascist regime could be stopped through sheer popular resistance, even risking their lives. This is a strong warning for political parties: if they try to impose similar unjust and repressive systems, they won’t survive, because with unity and courage, people can overthrow such regimes.

BSS: What kind of Bangladesh do you dream of?

Ali Ahsan Zonaed: I want all political parties to be united on matters of national interest, like we see in other developed countries. There should be no party boundaries when it comes to the nation’s well-being. People can have different opinions, but unity on national issues is essential. We no longer want to see fascism or one-sided hegemony. Inhumane acts like enforced disappearances and killings must stop. The use of state machinery to suppress political opponents must end. Only then we can build a Bangladesh free from discrimination, peaceful, and truly developed one. Besides, our foreign policy, security, and defense policies must be permanent and based on national unity.