By Osman Gani Rashel

DHAKA, July 01, 2025 (BSS) – Arif Sohel, a student of the International Relations department (47 Batch) of Jahangirnagar University served as one of the chief coordinators of the movement on campus. His fearless leadership galvanized the student body and kept the July movement alive.

Jahangirnagar University (JU) has long been known as the cradle of student movements in Bangladesh. JU students have consistently raised their voices against all sorts of irregularities at national level and left footprints, often risking their life.

In 2024, students at the university played a critical role in both the quota reform movement and the subsequent mass uprising that led to the fall of an authoritarian regime. During those historic days, JU earned the label of “The powerhouse of the movement.”

Following the uprising, Arif Sohel served as the convener of the JU chapter of the Anti-Discrimination Student Movement and later as its central member secretary. He now holds the position of joint member secretary of the newly formed National Citizens’ Party (NCP).
 
A year after the historic event, in an exclusive interview with Bangladesh Sangbad Sangstha (BSS), Arif Sohel shared his story of repression, organizing and leading the movement.

 
BSS: One year has passed since the July uprising. Do you still feel the emotions related to the struggle?

Arif Sohel: Absolutely. The emotions we went through in July were unique; some of those were the most extraordinary moments of our lives. We still draw inspiration from that time, especially when we see the country moving forward. The interim government has been working to keep people united aligning with the goals of the July Revolution. The spirit of unity was seen among people when the country faced one of the worst floods in three decades after August 5, last year.  

That same unity was also seen during times of foreign aggression. I remember how a farmer stood alongside the border guard members to protect our frontiers. Those moments remind us of the spirit of July.

On the other hand, when we see the government or elements within society deviate from the ideals of that movement, it pains us. We wonder if our sacrifices were short-lived. But we still hope to preserve and uphold the spirit of July uprising.
 

How did the quota reform movement begin at JU?

Arif Sohel: We already had experience from the earlier 2018 quota reform movement and we knew resistance would come. This time, we were mentally prepared to face it head-on. On June 5, 2024, the High Court reinstated the quota system, which had previously been abolished. That verdict triggered immediate protests nationwide.
By June 6, the movement gained momentum at JU as the students staged demonstration for logical reforms to the quota system. Then, on July 15, Chhatra League launched violent attacks on student protesters across the country. At JU, they brutally attacked us with the clear intent to kill, even while we had taken shelter at the Vice Chancellor’s residence.
This triggered an unprecedented wave of resistance. Students from all dormitories came out in full force against BCL. We pushed them out and reclaimed the campus. As a result, the movement expanded significantly and started gaining broader public support, which created the dream of establishing an anti-discrimination society.
 
Did you foresee that the quota reform movement would evolve into a full-blown anti-autocracy uprising?

Arif Sohel: Consciously, we did not know. But in our subconscious mind, yes. Being able to sense upcoming political change is vital for any movement.
The 2024 uprising wasn’t an isolate event. It was the culmination of previous movements, including the Safe Roads Movement. Students then took to the streets in massive numbers. But afterward, we had to retreat without achieving deep reforms.

There had always been a latent desire to reform the state. The 2024 quota reform movement became the medium for that transformation.

 
How did the movement that started non-violently turn into a violent one?
 
Arif Sohel: Violence was first initiated by the Chhatra League. On June 14, the then-Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina referred to protesting students as “Razakars” (traitors), sparking outrage across campuses. In response, campuses erupted in protest, chanting “Tumi ke, Ami ke? Razakar! Razakar!”
That very day, Chhatra League members tortured a protester inside Bishwakabi Rabindranath Tagore Hall at JU.

On July 15, we heard reports of Chhatra League attacking peaceful demonstrators nationwide. In protest, we organized a rally from the central library. But then came an ominous message from Chhatra League. They demanded that we use only “approved” slogans and march along routes they designated. If we complied, they said, they wouldn’t attack.

We immediately knew they were planning an assault. Of course, we refused to bow to their terms. As our rally reached Bangabandhu Hall, they attacked us with batons and homemade weapons. That’s how the movement was forced to turn into a defensive, violent phase.
 

How would you describe students’ participation during the movement?

Arif Sohel: The student’s participation was unprecedented. It wasn’t just about quota reform; it was about fighting systemic inequality. Compared to 2018, the 2024 movement was much more organized.
Every residence hall had designated volunteers. In 2018, protests were more individual-driven. But by 2024, we had built a strong student coalition nationwide. That organizational groundwork made it easier for general students to get involved.

 
What role did female students play in the movement?

Arif Sohel: Participation of female students was phenomenal. On June 14, when a male protester was attacked inside Rabindranath Tagore Hall, we tried to intervene. We discovered attempts to tamper with the CCTV footage.
We immediately launched a protest and marched to every female Halls. The response was overwhelming, female students joined us in groups. That evening, the female students led the rally.
Even on July 15, when Chhatra League launched their most brutal attack, some pro-AL teachers offered to escort female students to safety. They refused, knowing that their departure would leave the male students vulnerable. They stayed and endured the violence alongside us.
 

How did the movement at JU maintain momentum from beginning till end?

Arif Sohel: The movement had distinct phases. The first phase began on June 6 with symbolic protests and internal organization. As, the High Court’s verdict sparked outrage, we called an emergency meeting at the central library, a natural hub for job-seeking students.

That meeting exceeded all expectations and marked the start of a new phase. We were the first to block the Dhaka-Aricha highway to demand reform. Then Eid holidays brought a temporary pause.

After Eid, the second phase began with more innovative actions, such as the symbolic “Bangla Blockade.” The third phase began when the government proposed reforms, which we rejected terming it as inadequate.
The fourth and final phase began on July 14 when Sheikh Hasina called us “Razakars”. The slogan “Razakar, Razakar” spread nationwide. On July 15, Chhatra League assaulted us again brutally.

We took shelter at the Vice Chancellor’s residence but were attacked again that night. The news of attack spread quickly on social media and thousands of students came to rescue us. That night, for the first time, JU was declared "Chhatra League free."

On July 16, students from nearby schools, colleges and even private universities joined us. The administration tried to shut down the campus, but we refused to leave the halls. On July 17, hundreds of police entered the campus and brutally attacked. But by July 18, we forced them out.

Then the government imposed curfew. Yet JU students were the first to break it, blocking the Dhaka-Aricha highway, this news was broadcast across the country, inspiring others.

Despite arrests and threats, we held firm. On July 28, I was abducted by police. They blindfolded me, moved me to an undisclosed location and tried to intimidate me into ending the protests. I didn’t comply. Later, I was falsely charged under explosives and sabotage laws and jailed. Eventually, I got bail.
 
What role did the university teachers play?

Arif Sohel: JU’s movement was unique. Our teachers, unlike those in many other institutions, stood with us from the very beginning. After the July 15 attack, many of them physically stood on the front lines.

On August 5, police opened fire at a mass protest in Savar, killing Shrabon Gazi and Alif Ahmed Siam. Even then, teachers marched at the front.
When I was arrested, teachers demanded my release. Hearing that from jail gave me immense strength.

But not all teachers were allies. The pro-Awami League faction was more dangerous. Some infiltrated the movement in a subtle, insidious way. In my view, they were the most shameless and damaging supporters of fascism.
 
What role did law enforcement agencies play?

Arif Sohel: Their role was disgraceful. We expected attacks from Chhatra League, but not such naked aggression from the state’s security forces. They were supposed to protect us but instead they acted like a party militia.
We had to fight them too. They abandoned their constitutional duty and served a specific political agenda.
 
How did campus journalists contribute?

Arif Sohel: Campus journalists were an inseparable part of our uprising. They didn’t just report; they acted like activists. We relied on them for intelligence—about the enemy’s movements, locations, and strategies.
Even when the internet was shut down, they sent vital updates via SMS. They risked their lives to support the cause. Their dedication empowered the movement tremendously.

 
How did you manage the Dhaka-Aricha highway blockade?

Arif Sohel: That was one of our boldest and most effective tactics. The highway is a major artery between the capital and northern Bangladesh. Blocking it created nationwide attention.

We always kept an emergency lane open for ambulances and critical transport. Though it caused some public inconvenience, most citizens supported us. They were tired of authoritarianism and accepted these hardships as part of the larger struggle.

 
Did you face conflict with local Awami League forces?

Arif Sohel: Yes. While our main conflict was with Chhatra League, as the movement spread beyond campus, local AL and affiliate goons in Savar often attacked us.

Even after Chhatra League retreated, AL-backed thugs tried to re-enter campus. We repelled them through collective strength.

One major clash occurred at Dairy Gate when we countered an attack by MP Saiful Islam’s armed group. Though several were injured, we managed to resist successfully.
 
How did you coordinate with the central movement?

Arif Sohel: Initially, we used a Messenger group, then WhatsApp. Movement updates and instructions were regularly shared there.

After internet shutdowns and arrests, I managed to stay in touch with two central leaders, Asadullah Al Galib from Sylhet and Umama Fatema in Dhaka. Later I reached Abdul Kader and Hannan Masud. We eventually coordinated a 9-point demand.

Even without communication, our shared understanding ensured synchronized actions across regions.
 
Did you or your family receive threats?

Arif Sohel: Yes, my family received threats constantly. There was routine surveillance around our house. Death threats were frequent. But I accepted it as the cost of resistance. In movements like these, threats become part of life.
 
How were you abducted by police?

Arif Sohel: On July 26, a senior central coordinator told me I had to take charge in Dhaka, as most leaders were arrested. I agreed.

But I hadn’t been home in weeks. I decided to stop by briefly to gather essentials and see my family, knowing I might not return alive.
On July 28, at night, police surrounded my house and took me away. They blindfolded me and drove to an unknown location. There, I was threatened and interrogated, they told to call off the campus protests.

I was later shown arrested in a fabricated sabotage case at Setu Bhaban, it was ridiculous, as I was in JU the whole time. They beat other detainees severely. I knew that if the movement failed, we’d be killed. Only our momentum kept us alive.
 
Were you affiliated with any political group at the time?

Arif Sohel: Yes, I was central joint convener of Ganatantrik Chhatra Shakti, a non-partisan student platform founded in 2023.
Before that, I was involved with the State Reform Movement. Our focus was restoring student rights and ending the culture of political subservience on campus.
Other groups also joined from June 15. All anti-fascist student forces united in this uprising. They now operate under their respective banners.

Have the dreams of the uprising been fulfilled?

Arif Sohel: Not fully. We envisioned a radically new state structure, replacing a 300-year-old colonial legacy.
But there has been a change in mindset. People now refuse to accept injustice. That cultural shift is profound. The structural change will take time. If the commissions' recommendations are implemented, we might see the fruits of July.

The most valuable legacy achieved through the movement is the spirit of resistance, it remains alive and vibrant.
 
What do you hope for in this new Bangladesh?

Arif Sohel: A true people’s republic where every citizen’s voice shapes the state. The July uprising was about collective will, about rejecting fascism and demanding a new system.

I want to see Bangladesh stand tall in the global economy, pioneering new political models. We dream of a nation that is sovereign, dignified and just. That is the essence of the July uprising.